The paper has been written on the basis of the results of empirical researches, done in Germany, on the system of values, aims and new orientations in the life of German society. The author has taken advantage of those researches which have been done on the representative, all-nation samples or purposefully selected social categories which categories embrace the people who belong to various classes and strata of society. That is why the following analyses aim et grasping some dominant changes in the system of values and at making an attempt of generalisation at the level of global society. Principally, the present work deals with a few selected questions, e.g., changes of material and postmaterial values, some social values which belong to the middle-class ethos, and, finally, the relation between social and religious values. On the one hand, we face catastrophic and fateful theses put forward by sociologists who predict a complete disintegration of the traditional systems of values. On the other hand, one points ot that which is essential in values and which remains unchanged, and the actual system of values both among the young and adult generations is a special combination of continuity and change. Many authors who concentrate on the basic values, perceive more examples of continuity that those of change. There is, however, being created a new ethos which embraces a considerable part of society within the framework of the progressive uniformity of culture. That ethos is internally differentiated, hence it is difficult to give it an adequate name, and it contains some substantial values as structural axes, and instrumental values which undergo visible changes. There are some conditions which are optimistic. It is society that has a chance to shape its life in the future by way of values which it accepts.
The problem of giving sense to human life, determining aims and values which man could conform with and according to which he could live in a constructive manner is an important cognitive function of religion. The conjunction of the sense of life and religious faith is very close but not exclusive. The underlying question in the question about the sense of life and religious faith is the question about God. Taking this basic premiss as his starting point the author analyzes in the present paper the sense-making functions of religion, the relation between the sense of life with the problems of death, the relation: current sense − eternal sense (do they stand in opposition or are they complementary?) as well as individual and fellowship dimensions of the sense of life. The fact that one finds sense of human life in faith and through faith does not mean that he turns away from mundane affairs, but rather that he takes them in their fuller meaning and interpretation. In the situation in which there are competing systems of values as well as individual and social tensions a majority of Catholics expect of the Church help which would direct them how to behave. What the Church has to offer in the sphere of making one’s life sensible is Her clear chance also in the pluralistic society. As long as the man will struggle with the ultimate problems of his existence so long will there be a place for religious interpretations of his life.
In Poland, the development of the sociology of morality is related to Maria Ossowska’s scholarly activities. She studied social facts in the context of morality, describing and explaining all that, which in the opinion of people, belongs to realm of morality. Ossowska did not practice normative ethics, but the science of morality, postulating its assumptionlessness. Ethicists who stemmed from Catholic circles demanded that along with the science of morality scientific-normative ethics should also be cultivated. Polemics with Ossowska were fragmentary in character and appeared in the works of some ethicists and sociologists. Catholic ethicists primarily probed the problems of normative ethics. The paper presents the stance of the Catholic ethicists and sociologists of the 1980s and 90s, towards some of Maria Ossowska’s writings.
PL
W Polsce rozwój socjologii moralności wiąże się z działalnością naukową Marii Ossowskiej. Pragnęła ona zachować postawę badacza faktów z dziedziny moralności, opisując i wyjaśniając to wszystko, co w przekonaniach ludzi należy do dziedziny moralności. Nie uprawiała etyki normatywnej, lecz naukę o moralności, postulując jej programową bezzałożeniowość. Etycy wywodzący się z kręgów katolickich domagali się, by obok nauki o moralności, często przez nich nazywanej etyką opisową (empiryczną), była uprawniona jako naukowa etyka normatywna. Polemiki z poglądami Ossowskiej miały charakter fragmentaryczny, pojawiały się w pracach niektórych etyków i socjologów. Etycy katoliccy zajmowali się przede wszystkim problemami etyki normatywnej. Niniejsze opracowanie prezentuje ustosunkowanie się etyków i socjologów z kręgów katolickich z lat 80. i późniejszych XX wieku do wybranych prac Marii Ossowskiej.
The processes of secularization and pluralization of religious awareness in the Polish society are not as advanced as in the Western countries. The author discusses selected elements of the Catholic Credo and their acceptance in the Polish Catholics’ awareness, with special attention paid to youth circles. First the Catholics’ general attitude to the truths of religion given by the Church to be believed is shown, and next acceptance of particular dogmas in the awareness of believers is analyzed. Both results of sociological research and public opinion polls are quoted. The latter ones are based on large samples and not only are significant as far as their very subject is concerned, but also they are statistically important. In the light of the existing empirical materials, the processes of de-institutionalization of Church religiousness and formation of the so-called ‘selective religiousness’ may be fairly precisely described. We are still rather helpless in describing the quantitative aspects of the phenomenon of privatization of religion in the national scale (so-called religiousness without the Church). More subtle methods and research techniques are necessary for studying the extra- Church religiousness, especially the privatized or individualized types of it, than the ones that have been used by empirical sociology of religion in Poland up till now. Results of sociological research allow only such interpretations, according to which in the post-war Poland selectiveness with respect to the Catholic truths of the faith, a lack of acceptance for many values and moral norms propagated by the Church, and recently – an intensified criticism towards the Church as an institution and questioning the authority of religiousecclesiastic institutions can be seen. The range of selective attitude towards religion in the Polish society may be estimated, but this is not tantamount to evaluating the processes of privatization of religion. The index of selective attitudes towards particular Catholic dogmas probably ranges in Poland from about a dozen to 30-40%.
Continuity and change, as two values characteristic of all socio-cultural processes, also refer to the sphere of religious life. The arising problem is to what extent the country family, as a natural and original group of influence, fulfils the religious socio-educational functions which weigh the family down in the new socio-cultural situation. Is the result of the family’s education expressed in the general uniformity of the religious attitudes of the parents and their children and in the continuation of religious attitude in the following generations? Which of the elements of religious tradition preserve their continuity, which are partly questioned and which are rejected? The author seeks answers to the questions stated above in sociological research made in the recent twenty years. He divides the material gained into three basic groups: a) religious attitudes of children against the background of the attitudes of the parents, b) religious attitudes of the adult population of the country against the background of the attitudes of their parents, c) religious education in the opinion of rustic population. The repeated analysis of the studies and materials showed that the contemporary family living in the Polish country, less uniformed than the traditional country family, successfully counterpoises the secularizing effects, both those con- trolled and spontaneous. Family influence on shaping and preserving the child’s philosophy of life is stronger than the influence of other social groups including school. The main clash, however, between Marxist and Catholic outlooks on life has not yet occurred in the country in Poland, has not yet occurred in the country in Poland. De facto in the country family there preserves a religious bequest of values, norms and patterns of behaviour as well as general conformity of religious attitudes among the generations on a mass scale, though there are some exceptions with regard to the latter. The differences in the attitudes and religious behaviour of the generations are little and do not extend beyond the limits of a regular confrontation of cultures and customs. The above confirms that the secularizing trends in the country are rather weak. With accepting the proposition of the general persistence of religious attitudes in a country family the author stresses the fact that the family has ceased to be the only social and normative environment where an individual belong to. It has many incoherent and mixed features, and its unshakable religious character can not be taken as sure fact. Particular elements of religious tradition undergo some changes, but the country family remains the main factor continuing and preserving the religious culture inherited from the past generations. In the light of the materials gained, there arises a doubt whether the process of religious socialization, which is presently taking place, is intensive and deep enough to preserve in the future the unity and solidarity of generations of Poles in their attitude towards religion. This process, it seems, has traces of partial and selective socialization. The role of the family, however crucial, is not exclusive in the processes of consolidating religious attitudes. There is a need of cooperation among other socializing factors and of the continuation of the socialization with adult population (permanent socialization).
The present paper presents a sociological description of religious practices in West Germany on the basis of the materials published during the last several years. The study of the sociology of religion is characterized by a wide range of empirical, theoretical and methodological analyses. The paper presents also inter- views representative of religiousness of the people, monographic studies in rural religiousness, research in the influence of migration to towns on the religiousness of the migrating people and studies concerning the position of the priest in the village. During the post-war period the tendency with regard to religious practices is noted as decreasing. It is well seen even in the socially stable parishes in the country. Particulaly, the number of Sunday church-goers is decreasing. The cult practices of the faithful are not identical with the normative pattern. Rural communities, however, preserve a higher level of religious practices than people in the town do. Migrations«to towns has a rather negative influence on the religiousness of the people who leave their villages, but the range of the process is assessed by the psychologicsts not univocally. The rural immigrants to towns do not always represent a higher level of religious practices than people in the towns. The chaplaincy’s principal problem now is for the Church „to become rooted” in the present all the changing world. The evolution of the people’s church of traditional Christians will lead, as pastoral theologists think, to the creation of the Church of Christian community built by people fully aware of their choice, their religious aims an their faith.
Fr. prof. Władysław Piwowarski is known in Poland and abroad primarily as a sociologist of religion. His sociological works are an important component (one would like to say – classic) of Polish sociology of religion, they have determined and still determine its development. Most of them closed a certain stage in the development of the sociology of religion in Poland and opened a new one. It would be difficult to imagine a thorough study of religiosity today without taking into account the sociological achievements of Fr. prof. Piwowarski. In this study, we focus only on selected aspects of his concept of the sociology of religion and the sociology of the Church. We omit his scientific achievements in the areas of the sociology of morality, the sociology of the family, the sociology of ritual, social philosophy, Catholic social science, and pastoral theology. Piwowarski’s achievements in the field of theory, methodology of the sociology of religion and empirical research allow the statement that he is the founder of the Lublin school of sociology.
PL
Ksiądz prof. Władysław Piwowarski jest znany w kraju i za granicą przede wszystkim jako socjolog religii. Jego prace socjologiczne stanowią istotny element składowy (chciałoby się powiedzieć: klasyczny) polskiej socjologii religii, wyznaczały i wciąż wyznaczają jej rozwój (Marczewski 2006: 173–180; Święs 2004: 301–310). Większość z nich zamykała pewien etap rozwoju socjologii religii w Polsce i otwierała nowy. Trudno byłoby sobie dzisiaj wyobrazić gruntowne studia nad religijnością bez uwzględnienia socjologicznego dorobku ks. prof. Piwowarskiego. W niniejszym opracowaniu zwrócimy uwagę jedynie na wybrane aspekty jego koncepcji socjologii religii i socjologii Kościoła. Pomijamy jego naukowe osiągnięcia w zakresie socjologii moralności, socjologii rodziny, socjologii rytuału, filozofii społecznej, katolickiej nauki społecznej i teologii pastoralnej. Osiągnięcia Piwowarskiego w dziedzinie teorii, metodologii socjologii religii oraz badań empirycznych pozwalają stwierdzić, że jest on twórcą lubelskiej szkoły socjologicznej.
Empirical preferences in valuing determine the hierarchy or, perhaps, different, independent from one another, hierarchies of values. They show both the contents of an individual system of values (what values make it up and in what set-up they are) and valuing orientations which occur and dominate in particular social milieus. In each society, which is intent on building a personalistic and humanistic order, it is necessary to care about the basic values, especially in the societies of a fledgling democracy; but it is also necessary to understand them properly and put into practice. This collective self-awareness is being molded by both the present time and the past; it is constant and at the same time variable, static and dynamic. In the present study we are going to show how some basic values function in the awareness of young Poles. We shall turn our attention to the understanding of basic values (contents), and the recognized superiority of some values over others (preferences). We assume that in extreme conditions of social changes there comes into play a clear „redefinition of values”, some values lose their importance and others grow into importance. The transformation of values, in fact a natural process, may turn into loss or fall of the basic values, may spell only plurality of attitudes towards values, and not loss of consensus in the sphere of the basic values. To find an answer to thus presented research problem we shall seek in empirical materials gathered in 1994 among secondary school graduates. Out of 1592 subjects selected in Gdańsk, Tarnów, Puławy, Kraśnik, Dęblin and Szprotawa 1468 secondary school graduates were surveyed, which was 92.2 per cent of the research group. The graduates were tested with, among other things, alternative propositions test, a test which contains several pairs of statements. They were asked to select those which were closer to what they thought (binary choices).
Fr. prof. Władysław Piwowarski is known in Poland and abroad primarily as a sociologist of religion. His sociological works are an important component (one would like to say – classic) of the Polish sociology of religion, they have determined and still determine its development. Most of them closed a certain stage in the development of the sociology of religion in Poland and opened a new one. Today it would be difficult to imagine a thorough study of religiosity without taking into account the sociological achievements of Fr. prof. Piwowarski. In this study, we will only focus on selected aspects of his concept of the sociology of religion (sociology of religion as a sociological subdiscipline), religiosity as a subject of sociological research, methodological problems of the sociology of religion). We ignore his scientific achievements in the fields of sociology of morality, social philosophy, Catholic social science and pastoral theology.
Father Jan Szymczyk researched social life from a sociological-axiological perspective. Following in the footsteps of his deliberations, we will try to present his sociological understanding of values from a theoretical standpoint, present the theoretical aspects of the values orientations research model and briefly outline the concept of value transformation in Polish society. In this regard, values are construed as spiritual and moral core beliefs that determine attitudes and behavioural patterns of individuals. If values change, so do the attitudes and behaviour patterns that depend on them. Values are more general and permanent orientations, defining the perspectives of everyday life and its meaning and significance and indirectly setting the norms that determine specific actions. Conceived as goals of action, values function in the consciousness of individuals and are activated and actualised in specific contexts and situations when appropriate reasons, motivations or challenges arise. They play a special role in each person’s belief system. Indeed, something is always valuable or represents a value to someone. Ultimately, value results from the relation between the active, experiencing subject and certain objects of the external world. The axiological perspective adopted by Fr. Jan Szymczyk constitutes one of the most essential research concepts that make it possible to view and construct images of concrete subjects and phenomena of social life. Applying this perspective allows sociological research – conducted from the point of view of values (their declaration, and especially their recognition and internalisation) – to provide a lot of valuable information on the quality and condition of various forms and structures of public life. An accepted set or arrangement of values often translates into an affirmed lifestyle, mentality, a specific social identity and action strategy of individuals and various social actors. The researcher’s intention is often not to directly characterise values as such but rather to reveal them in the ways of conceiving politics, the economy, public life and culture, i.e. when discussing the fundamental issues at the core of theoretical analyses and sociological research. The psychosocial and relationalist perspectives that Jan Szymczyk adopts in his sociological research on values afford him a relatively integrated view of the diverse attitudes that subjects (individuals) hold towards values. First, values can be seen as existing in tangible and intangible objects (objective understanding). Second, they are identified with actions, i.e. they are related to the very relationship that exists between a subject and an object (“indirect” understanding). Third, axiological categories fall within human experience (subjective understanding).
PL
Ksiądz Jan Szymczyk prowadził swoje badania nad życiem społecznym z perspektywy socjologiczno-aksjologicznej. Idąc tropem jego rozważań, spróbujemy od strony teoretycznej zaprezentować jego socjologiczne rozumienie wartości, przedstawić teoretyczne aspekty modelu badawczego orientacji wartościujących oraz w skrócie zarysować koncepcję transformacji wartości w społeczeństwie polskim. Wartości rozumie się jako duchowe, moralne przekonania podstawowe, kierujące postawami i wzorami zachowań jednostek. Jeżeli zmieniają się wartości, zmieniają się również zależne od nich postawy i wzory zachowań. Wartości mają charakter bardziej ogólnych i trwałych orientacji, określających perspektywy życia codziennego, jego sens i znaczenie, a także wyznaczają pośrednio normy określające konkretne działania. Wartości pojmowane jako cele działań funkcjonują w świadomości jednostek, są uruchamiane i aktualizowane w określonych kontekstach i sytuacjach, kiedy pojawiają się odpowiednie racje, motywacje czy wyzwania. Odgrywają one szczególną rolę w systemie przekonań każdej osoby. Coś jest wartością dla kogoś albo coś ma wartość dla kogoś. Ostatecznie wartość jest wynikiem relacji doznającego i aktywnego podmiotu wobec pewnych przedmiotów świata zewnętrznego. Perspektywa aksjologiczna, którą przyjmuje ks. Jan Szymczyk, stanowi jedno z najbardziej istotnych pojęć badawczych, umożliwiających oglądy i konstruowanie obrazów konkretnych podmiotów i fenomenów życia społecznego. Zastosowanie (aplikacja) tej perspektywy sprawia, że badania socjologiczne prowadzone z punktu widzenia wartości (ich deklarowanie, a zwłaszcza uznawanie i internalizowanie), dostarczają wielu cennych informacji na temat jakości i kondycji różnych form i struktur życia publicznego. Akceptowany zbiór czy układ wartości niejednokrotnie przekłada się na afirmowany styl życia, mentalność oraz określoną tożsamość społeczną i strategię działań jednostek i różnych aktorów społecznych. Często zamierzeniem badacza nie jest bezpośrednia charakterystyka wartości jako wartości, ale raczej odkrywanie ich w sposobach myślenia o polityce, gospodarce, życiu publicznym, w kulturze, czyli przy okazji omawiania zasadniczych kwestii, stanowiących przedmiot teoretycznych analiz i badań socjologicznych. Perspektywa psychospołeczna czy relacjonistyczna, którą przyjmuje w swoich badaniach socjologicznych nad wartościami Jan Szymczyk, pozwala mu na relatywnie zintegrowany ogląd zróżnicowanych postaw, jakie podmioty (jednostki) zajmują wobec wartości. Wartości mogą być ujmowane jako istniejące w przedmiotach materialnych i niematerialnych (rozumienie przedmiotowe). Po drugie, utożsamia się je z działaniami, czyli związane są z samą relacją, jaka dokonuje się pomiędzy podmiotem a przedmiotem (rozumienie „pośrednie”). Po trzecie, kategorie aksjologiczne sytuują się w doświadczeniu człowieka (rozumienie podmiotowe).
Starting with a description of the general situation of religion in pre-technical (Christian) and industrial (pluralistic) societies the author tries to estimate, on the basis of the selected sociological studies, the range of the attitudes towards religion characterized by maximal identification (maximal consensus of the faith), partial identification (partial consensus of the faith), minimal identification (minimal consensus of the faith) and by the lack of identification with religion (the lack of consensus of the faith). The picture obtained of the situation in our country is compared to the situation in several West-European countries (Austria, West Germany, Prance, Italy) in the last passages of this study. Taking into consideration the criterion of the total self-declaration of the people questioned, and the state of the realized religious observances and the criterion of identification with the truths of faith and moral principles of the Church, the author proposes the following division of the consensus of faith in Polish society: maximal consensus of faith-40%, partial consensus of faith-50% (minimal consensus of faith-90%) and the lack of the consensus of faith-10%. The comparisons made in the study show differences in the consensus of faith in Poland and in highly developed West-European countries. There doubtless exists a serious difference between the selective religiousness in Poland and in these countries. But it is rather a difference in the degree and not in the quality of the phenomenon. The ’’western” Catholics among whom religious observances are less developed, seek for more liberal forms of expression to manifest their faith. Industrial civilization, which-at least indirectly-constributed to the popularization of attitudes partially reserved towards the Church, has made the position of Christianity slightly more difficult. However, the Church retains great social and moral authority which makes it possible to reintegrate attitudes in the direction of the maximal consensus of faith at any time.
In the paper entitled Religion and Morality According to Secondary School Leavers the author analyzes three questions: the attitude of the secondary school leavers to the moral principles of Catholic religion, religion as an instance justifying morality and preferences among the duties of a Catholic. The basis for these analyses is made up of the findings of sociological research carried out in 1994 among secondary school leavers from six Polish towns: Szprotawy, Tarnów, Puławy, Kraśnik, Dęblin and Gdańsk (in total 1468 respondents). The leavers' answers are analyzed across six independent variables: the town in which young people go to school, their sex, type of school, place of residence, self-declarations of faith and religious practices. Summing up our conclusions from the considerations on the relationship between religion and morality we should state that the moral principles of Catholicism are within the sphere of acceptance of the 1994 secondary school leavers; the acceptance, however, is partial and in principle critical. Only every tenth subject does have no reservations as to Catholic moral principles, or does not claim that this morality be supplement ("Catholic morality is just and sufficient"). Every tenth secondary school leaver holds that Catholic morality is totally strange to them. The socio-demographic characteristics do not play such an important role, only the religious characteristics (self-declarations of faith and religious practices) impart so significant differences among the opinions of the secondary school leavers under study.
This article presents the results of sociological research carried out in the years 1988–2017 on some samples of Polish youth attending secondary schools. The main hypothesis assumes that young people show a tendency to negate traditional values (religious and moral) in the Catholic Church and succumb to the values promoted by new ideological trends characteristic of postmodern and pluralistic societies. The empirical research from the years 1988–2017 showed an acceleration of changes in the religious and moral condition of schoolchildren. In 2017, the average rate pertaining to selected religious features was 47.0%, and the decrease in the approval of these elements was 15.7%. The “creeping” secularization in youth circles, which is clearly accelerating, already seems to be a social fact.
PL
W niniejszym artykule zostały przedstawione wyniki badań socjologicznych zrealizowanych w latach 1988–2017, na próbach ogólnopolskich młodzieży uczęszczającej do szkół średnich. W hipotezie głównej założono, że młodzież wykazuje skłonność do negowania tradycyjnych wartości (religijnych i moralnych) obowiązujących w Kościele katolickim oraz ulega wartościom lansowanym przez nowe nurty ideowe charakterystyczne dla społeczeństw ponowoczesnych i pluralistycznych. Badania empiryczne z lat 1988–2017 wykazały ponadto przyspieszenie zmian w kondycji religijnej i moralnej młodzieży szkolnej. W 2017 roku wskaźnik przeciętny odnoszący się do wybranych przejawów religijności wynosił 47%, a spadek aprobaty tych elementów kształtował się na poziomie 15,7%. „Pełzająca” sekularyzacja w środowiskach młodzieżowych, wyraźnie przyspieszająca, wydaje się już faktem społecznym.
The paper analyses two complex cultural processes that are present in the sphere of religious life: process of secularisation, and process of religious pluralism, both of which are shown from the sociological point of view on the basis of rich specialist literature. The author argues with the thesis of global secularisation. He refers it, above all, to the societies of Western Europe, and analyses some aspects internal and external crisis of religiosity. Both main processes presented in the paper may become a broad research inspiration for sociologists of religion. Owing to an objective diagnosis of the situation of the Church, they may be the field of changes with regard to the organisation of religious life.
The issue of continuity and changeability of morality has always hypnotised sociologists. The morality of the youth embraces a very broad spectre of questions, their variety and specific character. Therefore of necessity we shall limit ourselves to several more important problems. At the same time we shall not put the into a hierarchy according to their degree of importance. In the study we shall analyse some manifestations of moral attitudes among the youth from secondary schools, from four urban milieus (the Ten Commandments as the basis of morality, moral relativism, the relation to marital and family moral norms and the attitudes towards euthanasia). The Department of the Sociology of Religion of the John Paul II Catholic University conducted a research programme in the years 2002-2005. In this period 2005 subjects from the third grades of secondary schools (Radom, Włocławek, Łomża, Ostrów Mazowiecka) were examined. The moral attitudes of the youth towards some norms of Catholic ethics have been presented with the view to the following independent variables: gender, type of school, place of dwelling, material situation of the family, fathers' education, and the young people's achievements at school. One could claim with some probability that the secondary school youth becomes more aware of something that is called non-transparent, dispersed, or post-modern morality. The crisis of institutionalised Catholic morality can be barely noticed at the level of the most general moral principles (e.g. the Ten Commandments), but it is quite clear in concrete ethical principles connected with marital and family morality. The actual morality is full of inconsequencies and selectivity, up to the point of full heterodoxy. In particular, the moral message of the Church in relation to many questions connected with marriage and family become more and more of secondary importance in the awareness and activity among young Catholics. In this context, John Paul II's moral teaching was also accepted selectively in the awareness of the part of the young generation called „JP II Generation”. His moral authority was more accepted as a solemn value than a value of everyday life.
Speaking about the Catholic Church as a moral power the author has in mind a socio- -descriptive approach, that is the overall norms and obligatory precepts related to good and evil. The latter are recognized in a social group or in the global society, being in a relation to the values and moral norms proclaimed by the Church. Thus understood morality presents certain socio-historical or socio-moral situation (ethos), which, as each human reality, contains both positive and negative elements pertaining to the values and norms bearing an ideal character. The more there is accordance between values and moral norms proclaimed by the church along with actual attitudes and behaviors of the members of the society, the greater is the moral authority of the Church, the greater is her moral strength in a society. The empirical part of the paper discusses some chosen findings of sociological research and public opinion surveys from the 1990s, concerning marital and familial morality. These findings testify to a relatively advanced process of secularization in this sphere of human life, even among people who regular go to church. The actual marital and familial morality takes its shape partly independently from religion and its requirements, with an increasing social approval. We enter the new stage of social development with a weakened Christian marital and familial ethos, the stage being called pluralistic society. The vast part of the Polish society binds its spiritual expectations with the Church which is still treated, in general terms, as a bearer of the system of values and moral norms.
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