The article discusses the problem of the words “Macedonian” and “Macedonians” appearing in in the diplomatic documents of the Kingdom of Serbia 1903–1914 and the context of their usage. It focuses on the question of Serbian diplomacy’s attitude towards the Macedonians: whether they were regarded as nation or apeople whose sense of identity was territorial rather than based on their ethnicity. The early documents indicate that the view of the Macedonians as anation took hold among Serbian politicians and diplomats. Following the coup of 1903 and the ensuing change of ruling dynasty, Serbian foreign policy changed as well. The plans for Serbian expansion into Macedonian lands result in mentions of the Macedonians becoming rarer. Before the outbreak of the first Balkan war, the partition of Macedonia between Serbia and Bulgaria was perceived as the main objective and consequently referring to the Macedonians was seen as being against Serbian national interests.
BA
Članak se bavi problemom prisutnosti ili konteksta korištenja reči: Makedonac, Makedonci usrpskim diplomatskim dokumentima od 1903. do 1914. godine. Razmatrani problemi učlanku se tiču toga da li je srpska diplomatija priznavala postojanje Makedonaca kao posebnog naroda ili ih je tretirala kao ljude koji imaju teritorijalni, ane etnički identitet. Prvi dokumenti prikazuju na to daje među srpskim diplomatama ipolitičarima postojalo ubeđenje da su Makedonci poseban narod. Posle državnog udara u Srbiji, 1903. godine ipromene vladajuće dinastije, počela je nova spoljna politika. Planovi oteritorijalnoj ekspanziji Srbije na makedonskoj teritoriji su prouzrokovali to da se podaci o Makedoncima pojavljuju sve ređe. Glavni problem pre početka Prvog balkanskog rata je predstavljala podela Makedonije između Srbije i Bugarske izato je pominjanje Makedonaca bilo protiv interesa srpskog naroda.
The aim of the paper is to analyze the types and determinants of political leadership in the Balkans. Were these types the copies of the Ottoman model of power, did they reflect native models or were some other models adapted? The theoretical part of the article is based on the cultural theory of leadership (A. Wildavski). Wildavski formulates the thesis that historical and cultural determinants allow us to assume the existence of political leadership in the Balkans, namely, all forms of strong leadership: despotic, absolutist, autocratic and dictatorial (Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro). Our considerations concern the period from the national uprisings in the Balkans in the 19th c. until the middle of the 20th c., so till the times when the Ottoman heritage could influence the political and social life in the collective memory. The situation of Europe after 1945 changed radically due to establishing communist states in the Balkan Peninsula and the appearance of an utterly different type of political power. The paper formulates as well the second main thesis that the general leadership in the Balkans in the 19th – 20th cs. was based on shortages: the shortage of political and legal culture, the shortage of elites, of social power, security, education, traffic routes (disintegration), cities and townsfolk etc. All this impeded social development and facilitated the appearance of strong, patriarchal leadership in its different forms. Not all cultural factors and historical heritage affected the character of leadership in an equally powerful manner, but one can distinguish the common core.
At the dawn of the XXth century the Balkan countries were intent on waging war against Turkey. In the preparation period, however, they had severely exceeded their economic and demographic capabilities. The arms production consumed vast amounts of money, leading to an extraordinary debt of the Balkan states. The 1912-1913 wars have proved to be a veritable ordeal for the economies of the involved countries as well as their social endurance. This great sacrifice was supposed to further the national goal of defeating Turkey and finally establishing the inter-state borders, even in the face of an impending economic collapse. The Balkan conflicts turned into a war of attrition, a harbinger of what was to come during the World War I. The pre-war efforts and the cost of the actual warfare brought Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, Montenegro as well as Turkey to the brink of economical breakdown and major social turbulence. The calling of 1.3 million men to arms resulted in halting the industrial production and an agricultural crisis in the countries of the Balkan Alliance. The civilian transport sector was non-existent (since all the means and assets had been requisitioned by the military) which proved fatal to the commerce. This in turn greatly diminished the states’ tax income, further worsening the financial repercussions of the war. The number of soldiers fallen, wounded or killed by cholera were reaching hundreds of thousands. Due to the harsh war conditions and the lack of suitable attention many of the wounded have become disabled, which banned them from the work market and doomed them to social benefits. Amongst the consequences of the war were also migrations of the civilians, forced by the war itself and the following border changes. The Christian refugees alone numbered hundreds of thousands, while any real means of administering to the basic needs of the displaced masses were actually non-existent. On the Muslim side the losses amounted to 620,000 Turkish soldiers and civilians. A further 440,000 have been displaced and moved to Anatolia. Moreover the pillage, the atrocity, as well as the destruction of private property have engraved the feelings of mutual hatred and longing for a vendetta in the minds of the Balkan people.
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