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Egoizm – instynkt samozachowawczy – indywidualizm. Idee Hobbesowskie w etyce absolutnej Ayn Rand

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Citkowska-Kimla A.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2007

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tom 18

232-242

EN

The topic – connections between the thought of Ayn Rand and of Thomas Hobbes – results from the fact that on the one hand, Ayn Rand is one of the most important representative of libertarianism (one of varieties of liberalism) and on the other hand, Thomas Hobbes is – in some respects – a precursor of liberalism. In the first instance, a concept of egoism, the key idea for both above mentioned thinkers, is analysed. Ayn Rand tries to disregard the traditional, pejorative connotation of this word and to base on its semantics. Egoism has got the equally fundamental meaning in Thomas Hobbes’ views, although Hobbes – in opposite to Rand – does not hesitate to give a moral assessment of it. The problem of the instinct for self-preservation is without a doubt the Archimedes point both in Rand’s and Hobbes’ philosophy. In Rand’s system as well as in Hobbes’ one the most essential frame of reference is a human life, which every human being – thanks to his/her reason – knows how to protect, to maintain and to make secure. A human life is a general pattern, an abstract principle that is filled with its own, characteristic, individual existence. Rand’s absolute ethics is based on this conviction. In Hobbes’ doctrine the extreme individualism demonstrates with all its might in the state of nature where the basic value is the self-preservation. This type of individualism also returns in a state when a human life is in danger. As far as I can see there are three points in Rand’s philosophy which induce to polemic: primo, the assumption that rational interests of individuals do not come into conflict; secundo, the extrapolation of economic theories on quite different realms of human activities such as ethics; tertio, the exaggerated faith in a rationality of a human being.

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Poland and the Problem of Smog – Political Action Versus Social Expectations

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Citkowska-Kimla A.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia

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2019

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tom 26

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nr 2

EN

The aim of the article is to draw the European readers’ attention to the problem that the citizens of Poland must face every year during the heating season – the danger of smog. The article is divided into several parts. The first one shows the scale of the problem – the enormous danger to human health posed by breathing bad quality air. The second part discusses the cause of the lack of serious action taken by the Polish government, namely the power of the mining lobby. The third part focuses on those aspects of contemporary reality that do not allow politicians to fully manipulate society (in the context of the smog problem). The fourth part contains a closer look at the grassroots social initiatives of the citizens; it describes the activities of Poles who try to counter smog. The last part includes the conclusions as well as some ideas on how to help Poles breathe better quality air.

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Liberalizm a szanse pokoju na świecie. Refleksje Karla Jaspersa

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Citkowska-Kimla A.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2013

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nr 2

95-100

EN

The paper touches on the topic of optimism, allowing for a thesis of the peaceful coexistence of states to be proposed. This type of thinking was represented by the German philosopher and psychiatrist Karl Jaspers. Jaspers took the view that philosophy brings about political consequences that need to be observed and examined. He was influenced by Max Weber, from whom he adopted the idea of the salvation of Western heritage, embodied in the spirit of liberalism, freedom and diversity of private life. According to Jaspers, Germans should abandon their desire for military supremacy in favor of the dissemination of such universal ideas as freedom. In the interwar period Jaspers wrote a book about the spiritual situation of his times where he touched on the issue of the outcomes of technological progress for the existential dimension of man, who enjoys freedom on the one hand, and is responsible for himself on the other. He concluded by saying that in the face of such technical developments warfare poses a threat to biological survival and to freedom, since it destroys human self-responsibility. Jaspers noticed the problem of an individual being threatened by alienated social institutions, and as a consequence he proposed the thesis of the depersonalization of individual existence. The totalitarian system Jaspers had experienced encouraged him to revise the theoretical aspects and to develop a competitive, libertarian solution. Jaspers strongly emphasized individualism and the responsibility of individuals whose present influences the future. Jaspers’ ideas may be deemed to be remote from realism, since liberalism is a golden mean, neither preventing international wars nor appeasing political national arenas.

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Czy sprawiedliwość może być niesprawiedliwa? Feministyczna krytyka kanonu myśli politycznej

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Citkowska-Kimla A.

Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius)

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2019

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tom 66

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nr 1

DE

Ziel des Artikels war es, zwei Situationen aufzuzeigen, in denen die Anwendung eines bestimmten Gerechtigkeitskonzepts als Ungerechtigkeit erscheint. Der erste Fall bezieht sich auf die feministische Interpretation der Gerechtigkeitsphilosophie Aristoteles, genauer gesagt auf die „Verantwortung“ des Stagyriters für den Ausschluss von Frauen aus dem öffentlichen Raum. Es bezieht sich auch im Allgemeinen auf die feministische Kritik am Kanon des politischen Denkens. Der zweite Fall betrifft den Bereich der zwischenmenschlichen Beziehungen, insbesondere zwischen Eltern und Kindern.

EN

In the article, there are presented two situations wherein the application of a particular concept of justice appears as injustice. The first case refers to the feminist interpretation of Aristotle’s philosophy of justice, more specifically his “responsibility” for the exclusion of women from the public sphere. It also refers generally to the feminist criticism of the canon of political thought. The second one covers the area of interpersonal relations, especially between parents and children.

PL

Celem podjętych rozważań było ukazanie dwóch sytuacji, w których zastosowanie konkretnej koncepcji sprawiedliwości jawi się jako niesprawiedliwość. Pierwszy przypadek odnosi się do feministycznej interpretacji filozofii sprawiedliwości Arystotelesa, a ściślej do „odpowiedzialności” Stagiryty za wykluczenie kobiet ze sfery publicznej. Odnosi się on także ogólnie do feministycznej krytyki kanonu myśli politycznej. Drugi casus obejmuje obszar relacji międzyludzkich, zwłaszcza między rodzicami a dziećmi.

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Wojna a natura ludzka. Rozważania Zygmunta Freuda

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Citkowska-Kimla A.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2014

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tom 36

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nr 4

57 - 67

EN

The present analysis is based on the assumption that there is aclose link between an anthropological vision and political views. The main objective is to provide an exegesis of Sigmund Freud’s views on war in the history of civilisation with regard to his vision of human nature. The fundamental element in the author’s reconstruction of Freud’s thought is the essay Civilisation and Its Discontents. In it Freud demonstrates the inevitability of war, which has its permanent source in human nature, more specifically, in the Thanatos drive — drive of death, aggression and destruction. Influenced by his critics (e.g. Albert Einstein and Erich Fromm), Freud tried to modify his position on this matter in another essay entitled Why War? The present author’s conclusion is that Freud’s views contradict the anthropological assumptions formulated earlier.

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Karl Jaspers – Biographie und Idee im Schatten des Nazismus

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Citkowska-Kimla A.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2010

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nr 2(14)

539-548

EN

When considering the life cycle of Karl Jasper can be a deceptive impression (which he spread himself incidentally) the simplicity of its biography. The destiny of authors of the monumental philosophy determines the rhythm of his academic career could almost seem banal. He himself described his life as "ordinary and withdrawn, total no interesting events”.

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Pionierskość i aktualność przemyśleń Friedricha Georga Jüngera z „Perfekcji techniki”

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Citkowska-Kimla A.

Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem

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2017

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tom 39

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nr 1

95-107

EN

The aim of the article is to show the inventiveness and topicality of F.G. Jünger’s considerations contained in his work entitled The Perfection of Technology. The article aims at outlining that Jünger’s attitude towards technology was evolving from delight to severe criticism. Moreover Jünger is depicted as athinker par excellence, as athinker whose thought reached the timeless dimension.

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Klaus Mann – przeciwnik nacjonalizmu, rzecznik antyfaszyzmu

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Citkowska-Kimla A. , Kimla P.

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tom 3

PL

The aim of the article is to describe Klaus Mann’s political and social views, especially two of them – his critique of nationalism and his activity as the spokesman for anti‐fascism. Mann’s anti‐nationalist attitude is connected with his cosmopolitism inspired not only by count Coudenhove‐Kalergi but by the vision of pan‐Europe and paciﬁsm as well. The political standpoint of Mann is inﬂuenced strongly by his early political experience. The roots of his leftist way of thinking can be also seen in connection with the inﬂuence on him of André Gide. Generally the French impacts on his thought are considerable and reﬂect in his emphasizing individual freedom as well as in the idea of French‐German alliance because France and Germany constitute “almost Europe.”

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Greek and Macedonian Political Refugees in the Polish People’s Republic and the Current Migration Crisis on the Polish-Belarusian Border

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Citkowska-Kimla A. , Kimla P.

Studia Iuridica Lublinensia

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2024

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tom 33

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nr 1

93-106

PL

Celem artykułu jest analiza porównawcza dwóch odmiennych podejść do problemu migracji. Pierwsze z nich odnosi się do rządu Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej, który wyraził zgodę na przyjęcie kilkunastu tysięcy greckich i macedońskich uchodźców politycznych uciekających z Grecji po przegranej przez stronę komunistyczną wojny domowej. Polityka polskich władz komunistycznych przyniosła sukces w postaci udanego współżycia Greków i Macedończyków z Polakami. Drugie podejście prezentuje obecny polski rząd. Jest to polityka niewpuszczania żadnych migrantów sprowadzonych na granicę polsko-białoruską przez nieprzyjazne Polsce reżimy białoruski i rosyjski. Prezentowane porównanie jest oryginalną próbą wyprowadzenia wniosków dotyczących źródeł tych odmiennych podejść oraz ich politycznych i społecznych konsekwencji. Tematyka podjęta w artykule ma znaczenie nie tylko dla Polski i wschodnich krajów Unii Europejskiej, lecz także dla całej Unii, ponieważ punktem docelowym migrantów nie są takie kraje jak Polska, Litwa czy Łotwa, tylko bogatsze kraje Zachodu.

EN

The aim of the article is to conduct a comparative analysis of two different approaches to the migration problem. The first one refers to the government of the Polish People’s Republic, which agreed to accept several thousand Greek and Macedonian political refugees fleeing from Greece after the communist side lost the civil war. The policy of the Polish communist authorities brought success in the form of successful coexistence between Greeks and Macedonians with Poles. The second approach is presented by the current Polish government. This is a policy of not admitting any migrants brought to the Polish-Belarusian border by the Belarusian and Russian regimes that are hostile to Poland. The presented comparison is an original attempt to draw conclusions regarding the sources of these different approaches and their political and social consequences. The topic discussed in the article is important not only for Poland and the eastern countries of the European Union, but for the entire EU, because the destination of migrants is not countries such as Poland, Lithuania or Latvia, but wealthier Western countries.