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tom 1(25)
27-48
PL
Przenoszenie zmian w koniunkturze zewnętrznej (światowej) do polskiej gospodarki w okresie międzywojennym dokonywało się zarówno poprzez mechanizm międzynarodowego rozprzestrzeniania się zmian cen, jak i mechanizm międzynarodowego rozprzestrzeniania się zmian dochodu, przy czym znacznie istotniejsze było działanie tego pierwszego. Zmiany cen zewnętrznych pociągały za sobą zmiany poziomu zysków i płac w dziedzinach realizujących część produkcji na rynkach zewnętrznych, a poprzez to zmiany popytu globalnego na rynku wewnętrznym. Zmiany wielkości zatrudnienia i produkcji za granicą wywierały na gospodarkę Polski wpływ generalnie słabszy niż zmiany cen. Reakcje poszczególnych elementów struktury gospodarczej Polski na cykliczne zmiany popytu i cen zewnętrznych były niejednakowe. W przypadku Polski mieliśmy do czynienia zarówno z reakcjami przystosowawczymi typu cenowego i mnożnikowego (dochodowego) to jednak reakcje te nie występowały w czystej postaci. Czynnikiem komplikującym był przede wszystkim sektor na wpół naturalnej gospodarki rolnej. Zmiany koniunktury zewnętrznej nie prowadziły w tym przypadku do zmian poziomu produkcji i zatrudnienia. Z drugiej jednak strony przenoszenie koniunktury poprzez cykliczne zmiany cen zewnętrznych i zmian ich relacji do cen wewnętrznych nie przebiegało w Polsce w sposób całkowicie zgodny z wyjaśnieniem cenowym. Spadek cen zewnętrznych nie pociągnął za sobą w sposób automatyczny i bezpośredni obniżenia się poziomu cen wewnętrznych (krajowych i importowanych). Czynnikiem to powodującym był przede wszystkim wysoki stopień zmonopolizowania kluczowych gałęzi polskiej gospodarki.
EN
In the interwar period the fluctuations in the external (global) business cycle were being transmitted to the Polish economy via both the mechanism of international propagation of price changes and the mechanism of international propagation of income changes, with the former mechanism playing a much more important role. Changes in external prices were leading to changes in the level of profits and wages in the branches placing part of their output on external markets, and consequently to changes in global demand on the internal market. The impact of changes in the size of foreign employment and production on the Polish economy was generally weaker than that of the price developments. The reactions of individual elements of Poland’s economic structure to the cyclical changes in demand and in external prices were uneven. In the case of Poland both prices’ adjustments and adjustments via multiplier (income) effect were observed; however the said adjustments did not occur in their pure form. The agriculture, a sector which possessed the characteristics of semi-natural economy, constituted the main factor complicating the adjustment mechanisms. In the case of the said sector business cycle changes abroad did not translate into changes in output and employment. On the other hand, in case of Poland the transmission of business cycle fluctuation through changes in foreign prices and changes in their relation to internal prices did progress in complete accordance with the price based transmission mechanism. The decline in external prices did not automatically and directly translate into reduction internal prices (on both domestic and imported goods). The reason behind such an outcome was mostly high degree of monopolization of the key branches of the Polish economy.
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tom 1
75-88
EN
The economic development of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the interwar period did not remove essential structural defects in foreign trade, such as: regionalism, compliance of export and import directions, too much concentration on several markets, low assortment diversity and typically raw material and agricultural export structure. Mutual exchange took place on a small scale and was often unilateral, and its size did not generally exceed 10% of the total turnover of this zone. In addition, it was also characterized by a significant degree of concentration and occurred mainly between neighboring countries and in a narrow range. One of the fundamental reasons explaining the low level of mutual trade was the far-reaching mutual competitiveness of the economies of these countries. The high similarity of export structures and assortments as well as the identity of import needs at a weak level, with a similar export expansion rate, have created significant elements of competition between the economies of the region. In the interwar period, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe were not strongly involved in foreign trade, with the exception of Czechoslovakia. They were generally poorly developed raw material and agricultural countries, exporting mainly raw materials and food to developed countries of Western Europe, and in particular to Germany. Their total share in world trade was at the level of approx. 3% at that time. The low level of involvement of these countries in world trade was indicated in particular by small export volumes per one inhabitant.
EN
Zdziechowski Jerzy (1880–1975) was a politician, economist and economic activist. In the years 1917–1918 he was a member of the Polish Council of the Inter-Party Union in Russia and a co-organizer of the Polish Corps in Russia. In 1919, he was one of the main participants in the failed coup d’etat attempting to overthrow the government of Jędrzej Moraczewski. In the years 1922–1927, he was a member of the Sejm from the Popular National Union. In the years 1925–1926, he was the Minister of the Treasury in the government of A. Skrzyński. He developed the economic and financial program for stabilizing the Polish zloty, which caused such side effects as, i.a.: reduced employment, lowered wages, and reduced exports of agricultural products, as well as significant increases in taxes and prices. However, the program allowed for achieving a balanced budget. The program’s implementation resulted in the withdrawal of the Polish Socialist Party from the ruling coalition and led to the fall of the government. In the years 1926–1933, he was a member of the Council of the Camp of Great Poland, which was founded and led by Roman Dmowski. Until 1939, he was an activist of economic organizations. From September 1939, Jerzy Zdziechowski resided abroad. After World War II, he was the chairman of the Executive Department of the Political Council in London on behalf of the National Party. Jerzy Zdziechowski was characterized by theoretical eradication and the ability to achieve macroeconomic goals within the framework of economic policy, which he proved by managing financial matters in the years 1925-26 as well as by his creative criticism of the politics in 1926-39.
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Content available remote Ekonomista z Wilna - dorobek naukowy Władysława Mariana Zawadzkiego
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tom 1
141-157
EN
Wladysław Marian Zawadzki (1885–1939), was born in Vilno, Polish economist, Minister of Treasure (1932–1935), pioneered mathematical economics in Poland (the Walrasian mathematical economist). The conservative professor of economics at the School of Commerce (SGH) in Warsaw and the Stefan Batory University of Wilno (1919–1931). The SGH had at this time the stronger team of theoreticians. It was led by Wladyslaw Zawadzki. He was a very thorough exposition of J.M. Keynes’s monetary analisis, contrasting it with his earlier ideas in the Treatise on Money and the Tract on Monetary Reform. Zawadzki regretted Keynes’s etatism but comforted himself and his readers that Keynes had changed his mind at least twice before The General Theory.
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EN
In December of 1927, the 15th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Unionapproved the guidelines for the elaboration of a five-year plan of the economic development of the country. According to J. Stalin, “the basic task of the five-year plan was to set […] a technologically backward country – on the tracks of a new modern technology”. The idea entailed make the Soviet Union an industrial state, strong one as well as completely self-sufficient and independent of the capitalist world. At the same time, the task of transforming the country into an industrial state was combined with a different objective, namely to completely rid the economy of capitalist elements, which in turn was to lead directly to the creation of a socialist society. At the same time the creation of a modern industry was to serve as a basis for the retooling and reorganization of not only the industrial sector, but also of transport and agriculture in accordance with the precepts of socialism. In the case of the agricultural sector, the objective was defined as the transformation of agricultural holdings into large collective farms, which was supposed to lead to the creation of a socialist economic base in the countryside (with peasants being perceived as an obstacle for this effort), with the ultimate objective of preventing the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union. The five-year plan was also aimed at creating necessary economic and technical foundations which would allow to overtake the leading capitalist economies (United States, Great Britain, Germany, France, Japan) in the perspective of a few years (5–6 years). This objective was to be energetically pursued in order to be achieved at the turn of the first and second five year plan. However, the economic reality turned out to be more complicated and the strategy of “catching up and overtaking” was systematically delayed, which – unavoidably – stirred up irritation and rage in the circles of Joseph Stalin. The leap from the “kingdom of coercion” to the “kingdom of freedom” turned out to be a spectacular flop. Purges and terror (addressed also at the party-state apparatus, army and security organs) in the 1930s, which caused millions of victims, did not bring the expected economic effects. The engulfing atmosphere of threat and fear led to paralysis, which in turn resulted in declining PRZEGLĄD WSCHODNIOEUROPEJSKI X/1 2019: 163–186 164 Zbigniew Klimiuk economic efficiency. At that time, a distinctive barrier to economic growth surfaced in the Soviet economy, namely the impossibility of achieving an increase in production on the basis of existing assets, which was due to the quality of management and the inefficiency of the economic system. Economic growth was thus possible only through new investments – the phenomenon (known as the so-called investment pressure) which was besetting the socialist economies until their very end. The existence of such a barrier was also confirmed by the course of the implementation of the third (unfinished) five-year plan (for the period 1938–1942).
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Content available remote Stosunki gospodarcze i handlowe ZSRR – Niemcy w latach 1918–1940 (część 1)
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2018
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tom 1
49-64
EN
The author analyzes in his paper the economic and trade relations between Germanyand the Soviet Union in the period of 1918–1944. During this period trade relations withGermany constituted a continuation of relations between Tsarist Russia and Germany beforeWorld War I. The German-Soviet Economic Agreement of October 12, 1925, formed specialconditions for the mutual trade relations between the two countries. In addition to the normalexchange of goods, German exports to the Soviet Union were based from the very beginningon a system negotiated by the Soviet Trade Mission to Berlin under which the Soviet Union wasgranted loans for financing additional orders from Germany. Trade with Soviet Union, promotedby the first credit-based operations, led to a dynamic exchange of goods, which reached itshighest point in 1931. In the early 1930s, however, Soviet imports decreased as regime assertedpower and its weakened adherence to the disarmament requirements of the Treaty of Versaillesdecreased Germany’s reliance on Soviet imports. In addition, the Nazi Party’s ascent to powerincreased tensions between Germany and the Soviet Union. In the mid-1930s, the Soviet Unionmade repeated efforts at reestablishing closer contacts with Germany. The Soviets chieflysought to repay, with raw materials, the debts which arose from earlier trade exchange, whileGermany sought to rearm, therefore both countries signed a credit agreement in 1935. The saidagreement placed at the disposal of the Soviet Union until June 30, 1937, the loans amountingto 200 million Reichsmarks, to be repaid in the period 1940–1943. The Soviet Union used183 million Reichsmarks from this credit. The preceding credit operations were, in principle,liquidated. Economic reconciliation was hampered by political tensions after the Anschluss inmid-1938 and Hitler’s increasing hesitance to deal with the Soviet Union. However, a new periodin the development of Soviet–German economic relations began after the Ribbetrop–MolotovAgreement, which was concluded in August of 1939.
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nr 3(64)
63-78
PL
W artykule przeanalizowano politykę pieniężno-walutową Banku Rzeszy w latach 1929–1939 ze zwróceniem szczególnej uwagi na jego podwójną rolę w tym okresie: jako źródło pieniądza, z którego finansowano potrzeby skarbu oraz najskuteczniejszy czynnik oddziaływania na rynek pieniężny i skarbowy. Głównym zadaniem polityki pieniężnej i walutowej Banku Rzeszy było przywrócenie zaufania do marki niemieckiej (Reichsmrek, RM) i utrzymanie jej kursu na poziomie parytetu. Chodziło przede wszystkim o zaufanie zagranicznych sfer finansowych, bowiem krajowe nie odgrywały żadnej roli na skutek dewastacji kapitalizacyjnej dokonanej przez hiperinflację. Plan Dewesa stworzył możliwości napływu zagranicznych kapitałów, które dostarczały dewiz będących prawnym zabezpieczeniem emisji not Banku Rzeszy. W dniu 15.06.1939 r. kanclerz Rzeszy podpisał nową ustawę o niemieckim Banku Rzeszy. Akt ten był wyrazem zmian, jakie nastąpiły w ostatnich latach w Niemczech w poglądach na rolę banku centralnego.
EN
The article analyzes the monetary and foreign exchange policy of the Reichsbank in the period 1929–1939 with particular attention given to the bank’s dual role in this period: as a source of money used to finance the state treasury’s needs and as the most effective actor affecting the money market and treasuries’ market. The main task of the Reichsbank’s monetary and exchange rate policy was to restore confidence in the German currency (the Reichsmark) to maintain its exchange rate at the level of parity. The main objective of such a policy was to gain and maintain the trust of foreign financial circles, since domestic ones did not play any role because of the devastation of capital caused by hyperinflation. Dewes’ plan created the possibility of an inflow of foreign capital, which provided foreign exchange serving as legal collateral for the issuance of the Reichsbank’s notes. On June 15, 1939, the Reich’s Chancellor signed a new act on the Germany’s Reichsbank. This act was an expression of changes that have taken place in the previous years in Germany concerning the views on the central bank’s role.
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2019
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nr 4(61)
191-209
PL
Lata międzywojenne były okresem ścisłej zależności gospodarki Polski od gospodarki niemieckiej. Pozycja obu państw pod względem poziomu rozwoju potencjału gospodarczego była diametralnie różna. Polska jako dostawca surowców i jako rynek zbytu dla gotowych towarów znajdowała się w okresie międzywojennym w strefi e zainteresowań handlowych Niemiec. Istniały przesłanki dla korzystnej wymiany handlowej z Polską. Rynek polski i rynek niemiecki były w większym stopniu rynkami kompensacyjnymi niż konkurencyjnymi. Niemcy posiadały dodatni bilans w handlu produktami gotowymi, ujemny we wszystkich innych grupach. Polska przeciwnie, miała ujemny bilans w handlu wyrobami gotowymi, dodatni w zakresie artykułów spożywczych, surowców i półfabrykatów. Na przeszkodzie szerokiemu rozwojowi stosunków gospodarczych polsko-niemieckich stały dążenia obydwu państw do zmiany struktury gospodarczej. Od 1937 r. Polska osiągała wyraźną przewagę importu nad eksportem w stosunkach z Niemcami. Począwszy już jednak od 1934 r. topniała nadwyżka wywozu nad przywozem. Świadczyło to o skuteczności niemieckich działań mających na celu uzyskanie dodatniego bilansu handlowego z Polską osiągniętych w trakcie rokowań nad umowami i porozumieniami gospodarczymi. Po zajęciu całej Czechosłowacji w marcu 1939 r. udział Niemiec w polskim handlu zagranicznym zwiększył się do 30%. Państwo polskie nie stało generalnie na mocnej pozycji przetargowej w trakcie rokowań gospodarczych z zachodnim partnerem. Polska mogła handlować głównie surowcami i płodami rolnymi. Dlatego też w kierunku ustalenia maksymalnych kwot wywozowych tych właśnie towarów nakierowane były działania polskich negocjatorów.
EN
The years between World Wars I and II saw close dependence of the Polish economy on the German economy. The positions of the two countries in terms of economic potential development differed widely. As a supplier of raw materials and a market for fi nished products, in the inter-war period Poland was in Germany’s trade interest zone. There were conditions for favourable trade with Poland. The Polish and German markets were compensating rather than competitive to each other. Germany had a positive balance of trade in fi nished products, negative in all other groups. In contrast, Poland had a trade defi cit in the case of fi nished goods, a surplus in food, raw materials and semi-fi nished products. Both countries aspired to change their economic structures, which hampered broader development of Poland–Germany economic relations. From 1937, Poland noted a clear advantage of imports over exports in relations with Germany. However, the export surplus had started to diminish from 1934. It refl ected the effectiveness of German measures aimed at obtaining a positive trade balance with Poland, taken during negotiations regarding economic contracts and agreements. After the invasion and occupation of Czechoslovakia in March 1939, Germany’s share in Polish foreign trade increased to 30%. In general, Poland did not enjoy a very strong bargaining position during economic negotiations with its Western partner. Poland could mainly trade in raw materials and agricultural produce. Therefore, the Polish negotiators endeavoured to set maximum export quotas for those goods.
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tom 1(23)
385 - 404
EN
The period of 1990-1998 was a transitional stage in the Spanish economic policy. The main objective pursued in that period was to meet the convergence criteria of the country’s entry into the Economic and Monetary Union. This approach had a significant impact on the monetary policy of the Bank of Spain in the 1990s. In the first half of the 1990s the most important factors behind the growth of prices in Spain were wage pressures and repeated devaluations. The central bank in view of loose fiscal policy had to conduct a restrictive monetary policy to prevent a further increase in inflation.
PL
Okres 1990-1998 był etapem przejściowym w polityce gospodarczej Hiszpanii. Głównym celem, do którego dążono w tym okresie, było spełnienie warunków konwergencji, które umożliwiłby Hiszpanii wejście do Unii Gospodarczo-Walutowej. Osiągnięcie tego założenia wywarło znaczny wpływ na politykę pieniężną Banku Hiszpanii w latach 90. Najważniejszymi czynnikami wywołującymi wzrost cen w Hiszpanii w pierwszej połowie lat 90. były: presja płacowa oraz kilkakrotne dewaluacje. Bank centralny wobec luźnej polityki fiskalnej musiał prowadzić restrykcyjną politykę monetarną, aby nie dopuścić do dalszego zwiększania inflacji.
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tom 2(26)
25-41
PL
Przenoszenie zmian w koniunkturze zewnętrznej (światowej) do polskiej gospodarki w okresie międzywojennym dokonywało się zarówno poprzez mechanizm międzynarodowego rozprzestrzeniania się zmian cen, jak i mechanizm międzynarodowego rozprzestrzeniania się zmian dochodu, przy czym znacznie istotniejsze było działanie tego pierwszego. Zmiany cen zewnętrznych pociągały za sobą zmiany poziomu zysków i płac w dziedzinach realizujących część produkcji na rynkach zewnętrznych, a poprzez to zmiany popytu globalnego na rynku wewnętrznym. Zmiany wielkości zatrudnienia i produkcji za granicą wywierały na gospodarkę Polski wpływ generalnie słabszy niż zmiany cen. Reakcje poszczególnych elementów struktury gospodarczej Polski na cykliczne zmiany popytu i cen zewnętrznych były niejednakowe. W przypadku Polski mieliśmy do czynienia zarówno z reakcjami przystosowawczymi typu cenowego i mnożnikowego (dochodowego) to jednak reakcje te nie występowały w czystej postaci. Czynnikiem komplikującym był przede wszystkim sektor na wpół naturalnej gospodarki rolnej. Zmiany koniunktury zewnętrznej nie prowadziły w tym przypadku do zmian poziomu produkcji i zatrudnienia. Z drugiej jednak strony przenoszenie koniunktury poprzez cykliczne zmiany cen zewnętrznych i zmian ich relacji do cen wewnętrznych nie przebiegało w Polsce w sposób całkowicie zgodny z wyjaśnieniem cenowym. Spadek cen zewnętrznych nie pociągnął za sobą w sposób automatyczny i bezpośredni obniżenia się poziomu cen wewnętrznych (krajowych i importowanych). Czynnikiem to powodującym był przede wszystkim wysoki stopień zmonopolizowania kluczowych gałęzi polskiej gospodarki.
EN
In the interwar period the fluctuations in the external (global) business cycle were being transmitted to the Polish economy via both the mechanism of international propagation of price changes and the mechanism of international propagation of income changes, with the former mechanism playing a much more important role. Changes in external prices were leading to changes in the level of profits and wages in the branches placing part of their output on external markets, and consequently to changes in global demand on the internal market. The impact of changes in the size of foreign employment and production on the Polish economy was generally weaker than that of the price developments. The reactions of individual elements of Poland’s economic structure to the cyclical changes in demand and in external prices were uneven. In the case of Poland both prices’ adjustments and adjustments via multiplier (income) effect were observed; however the said adjustments did not occur in their pure form. The agriculture, a sector which possessed the characteristics of semi-natural economy, constituted the main factor complicating the adjustment mechanisms. In the case of the said sector business cycle changes abroad did not translate into changes in output and employment. On the other hand, in case of Poland the transmission of business cycle fluctuation through changes in foreign prices and changes in their relation to internal prices did progress in complete accordance with the price based transmission mechanism. The decline in external prices did not automatically and directly translate into reduction internal prices (on both domestic and imported goods). The reason behind such an outcome was mostly high degree of monopolization of the key branches of the Polish economy.
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2020
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nr 1(62)
23-40
PL
Artykuł zawiera analizę polityki pieniężno-walutowej Banku Rzeszy w latach 1929–39 ze zwróceniem szczególnej uwagi na jego podwójną rolę w tym okresie: było to źródło pieniądza, z którego finansowano potrzeby Skarbu Państwa oraz najskuteczniejszy czynnik oddziaływania na rynek pieniężny i skarbowy. Głównym zadaniem polityki pieniężnej i walutowej Banku Rzeszy było przywrócenie zaufania do marki niemieckiej i utrzymanie jej kursu na poziomie parytetu. Chodziło przede wszystkim o zaufanie zagranicznych sfer finansowych, bowiem krajowe nie odgrywały żadnej roli na skutek dewastacji kapitalizacyjnej dokonanej przez hiperinflację. Plan Dewesa stworzył możliwości napływu zagranicznych kapitałów, które dostarczały dewiz będących prawnym zabezpieczeniem emisji not Banku Rzeszy. 15 czerwca 1939 r. kanclerz Rzeszy podpisał nową ustawę o „niemieckim Banku Rzeszy”. Ustawa ta była wyrazem zmian, jakie nastąpiły w ostatnich latach w Niemczech w poglądach na rolę banku centralnego.
EN
The article analyzes the monetary and foreign exchange policy of the Reichsbank in the period 1929–1939 with particular attention given to the bank’s dual role in this period: as a source of money used to finance the state treasury’s needs and as the most effective actor affecting the money market and treasuries’ market. The main task of the Reichsbank’s monetary and exchange rate policy was to restore confidence in the German currency (the Reichsmark) to maintain its exchange rate at the level of parity. The main objective of such a policy was to gain and maintain the trust of foreign financial circles, since domestic ones did not play any role because of the devastation of capital caused by hyperinflation. Dewes’ plan created the possibility of an inflow of foreign capital, which provided foreign exchange serving as legal collateral for the issuance of the Reichsbank’s notes. On June 15, 1939, the Reich’s Chancellor signed a new act on the Germany’s Reichsbank. This act was an expression of changes that have taken place in the previous years in Germany concerning the views on the central bank’s role.
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tom 2(22)
377-392
EN
At the time of unification, in 1861, Italy was relatively backward country compared to the more advanced western European nations. Agriculture was the main productive sector and 60 per cent of the labour force was still toiling on the land. From then on the Italian economy underwent deep changes, both in its productive capacity abd structure. Italy caught up with the level of output per head of the most advanced economies and today shares a similar economic structure and a low rate of growth. Italy is the fourth-largest national economy in Europe, the eight-largest by nominal GDP in the world. Despite these important achievements, the country's economy today suffers from many and relevant problems. After a strong GDP growth in 1945-1990, the last two decades's average annual growth rates lagged below the EU average; moreover, Italy was hit particulary hard by the late-2000s recession. The stagnation in economic growth, and the political efforts to revive it with massive government spending from the 1980s onwards, eventually produced a severe rise in public debt.
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