Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Transformacja polskiego systemu partyjnego po 2005 roku

100%

Antoszewski A.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2008

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tom 19

11-25

EN

It can hardly be denied that the process of forming party system is long-term, complex and multidimensional one. The features of the “systemness”, e.g. stability, durability and predictability, may be achieved only after several years of democratic development. Thus, the analysis of the changes which take place in short period may give limited effects because of rapid changes of most frequently used quantitative parameters of the party system. From the other side, the comparison of the results of two or more consecutive parliamentary elections allows us to describe and to interpret some trends in political development. The aim of this article is to show the changes in the structure of political competition and in the number and size of the main parties, affecting the level of fractionalization and concentration of Polish party system between 2005 and 2007. By using traditional measures of stabilization of party systems on electoral, parliamentary and governmental arenas, I have tried to answer the question whether are there the symptoms of stabilization of Polish party system after 2005, or not. Comparing effective number of parties, the level of fractionalization and concentration, and the modes of forming the cabinet I have come to conclusion that, contrary to 2005 parliamentary election, there are some signs of party system stabilization in its two dimensions: representativeness and effectiveness. The structure of political scene seems to be more stable: no relevant party has appeared on it since 2001, the number of parties represented in the Sejm has diminished, the level of support for the strongest parties has increased and the electoral volatility has been lower in 2007 than in 2005. What is new after 2005 is that the structure of competition has changed. Two strong, conservative right-wing groupings have been main contenders and the post-communist Left is, for the time being, practically excluded from the struggle for power. The further stabilization of party system depends on capability to maintain this pattern of political competition.

2

Wyboista droga ku demokracji i autorytaryzmowi w świecie pokomunistycznym

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Antoszewski A.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

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2014

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tom 16

7 - 23

EN

The collapse of the Soviet bloc raised the hope for a democratic development of the post-communist countries. Liberal democracy and market economy were expected to be an inevitable effect of political development. This was confirmed by the experience of South European and Latin American transistions during the “third wave.” Following S. Huntington we believed that the process of democratization contains three stages: liberalization, transition to democracy and its consolidation. But the “fourth wave” brought new insights. After twenty five years we now know that this was not true. Although some of the post-communist countries in Central Europe have become liberal democracies in a relatively short time, the others are either hybrid (transitional) regimes or have remained stable authoritarianisms. Moreover, the experts have found systemic decline in the level of democratic progress in such countries as Hungary or Slovakia, being close to falling out of consolidated democracies category. The aim of the article is to describe and explain the differences between various trajectories and effects of political changes in the post-communist world.

3

Przedterminowe wybory parlamentarne w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. Model normatywny, przyczyny i konsekwencje

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Antoszewski A.

Studia Wyborcze

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2014

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tom tom XVII

7-26

PL

Przedterminowe wybory parlamentarne należą do rozwiązań charakterystycznych dla parlamentaryzmu, który stał się dominującą formą rządów w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. Są one traktowane jako swoisty „zawór bezpieczeństwa” prowadzący do rozwiązania konfliktu między władzą ustawodawczą i wykonawczą. Rozwiązania instytucjonalne dotyczące możliwości rozwiązania parlamentu przed upływem kadencji różnią się między sobą, podobnie jak praktyka polityczna. W artykule podjęto próbę porównania modelu normatywnego oraz przyczyn i konsekwencji przedterminowych wyborów w 17 państwach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Analiza konstytucji prowadzi do wniosku, że parlamentaryzm pokomunistyczny ma asymetryczny charakter. W konflikcie między legislatywą i egzekutywą, ta ostatnia ma słabszą pozycję i mniejsze możliwości rozwiązania go na swoją korzyść. Na podstawie analizy 22 przedterminowych elekcji odbytych w latach 1991–2013 można stwierdzić, że ich podstawową przyczyną są tarcia między partiami tworzącymi koalicję gabinetową oraz naciski ze strony opozycji parlamentarnej i pozaparlamentarnej. Najczęstszą konsekwencją jest natomiast alternacja władzy, która prowadzi do utworzenia większościowego gabinetu. Nie zawsze jednak wiąże się to z podniesieniem poziomu stabilności politycznej, co oznacza, że przedterminowe wybory nie w każdym przypadku wywiązują się z funkcji „zaworu bezpieczeństwa”.

EN

Early elections hale been characteristic of parliamentarism what is dominant political regime in East-Central Europe (except of Russia and Ukraine). They are considered as peculiar “safety valve” leading to the mitigation of the conflict between legislative and executive. The institutional devices concerning dissolution of the parliament and early elections, and political performance, vary across the region. In this article institutional solutions, as well as reasons and consequences of early elections in seventeen countries of ECE are compared. The analysis of constitutional provisions gives the opportunity to claim that post-communist parliamentarism is characterized by the asymmetry. In the most of countries the government’s position is weaker than that of the parliament. On the basis of the comparison of 22 early elections to be held in the period 1991–2013 one has to claim that the main reasons of them are either the tensions between governing parties or the pressures from the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary opposition. The main consequence is the alternation of power, although unnecessarily on all arenas of political competition, what usually leads to forming the majoritarian cabinet. It does not mean that the level of political stability will always increase. Therefore, the function of “safety valve” is sometimes not performed.

4

Wybory „otwierające” a rozwój systemów partyjnych Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej

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Antoszewski A.

Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne

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2009

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tom 22

139-156

EN

THE JUNE 1989 parliamentary elections in Poland have represented specific kind of so called founding elections, opening the way to the process of democratization of political life. They were held as a result of political contract signed by the “Round Table” by communist and opposition elites. Although they were not fully democratic, they should be recognized as the start point of Polish transition toward democracy, because of their role as the plebiscite for or against communism. In this article, I have tried to compare Polish “contractual” elections with competitive, founding ones in 13 other countries of East Central Europe and to analyze their impact on development of national party systems. I have focused on three factors: similarities and differences of institutional framework of those founding elections, trajectories of party systems developments and the linkage between founding elections, particularly their results and the structure of the competition, and recent party systems shape.

5

Władza sądownicza w procesie demokratyzacji: analiza przypadku polskiego

75%

Antoszewski A.

Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis

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2005

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tom 1

PL

...

6

Recenzje

51%

Antoszewski A. , Żukowski A. , Czerwińska-Schupp E.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2013

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nr 2

177-188