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EN
Historical politics, which is subject to objections, is treated as a semantic phrase and political metaphor of public discussion. As “detailed politics” it tends to be realized through a choice of appropriate historical arguments. Historical politics as politics cannot be identified with some interpretation of history. It cannot, however, be excluded from discussions about politics and political attitudes. It is necessary to have an explanatory approach to historical politics and a deepened reflection concerning political science which enables to get to know its essence. It will enable to define historical politics as methodologically established political science category.
EN
This article deals with the attitude of the Polish Government in exile during the Second World War and his representation in Poland towards the idea of creation an international security organisation which would be able to maintain a democratic and peaceful order in the post-war world. That idea was compared to the „Versatile order” after the First World War and the activity of the League of Nations. The necessity to win the war against both German and Soviet aggressors was firmly stressed but „to win the peace” seemed even more important. The Polish experts took up wide spread work on preparation the future treaty with Germany. Their attitude towards the political order between the wars and activity of the League of Nations was rather critical. According to their opinion that organisation had not been able to give the guarantee of security for the European countries, because of insufficient efficacy of its activity and limited capability to oppose against pro-war tendencies. Basing on those experiences they proposed to create new and better international security organisation after the war which would be convenient to the hopes of Polish society demanding restitution of an independent, sovereign, „whole” from the territorial point of view (included all the pre-war Polish east provinces and demanded aggrandisement on the west) and democratic Poland. Such a state should become an important factor of the stability and peace in Central and East Europe. Polish government in exile strongly opposed the very idea of the spheres of influences in Europe as being contrary to the declaration of the Atlantic Charter. The members of the future international security organisation could not accept such a project. At the end of the Second World War Polish authorities protested against the decision not to invite Polish delegation to the Conference in San Francisco, where the United Nations were to be created. It was considered from the moral point of view. In the same time when the Conference in San Francisco approached to its end, sixteen of the leaders of Polish underground state were on trail in Moscow while on Stalin’s influence „The Temporary Government of National Unity” dominated by the Polish communist wad proclaimed as the only legal one in Poland. All those events were notified with bitterness by the Polish government in exile and patriotic opinion in the country suffering under Soviet rule.
EN
Conflict provenance must be sought not only in economic conditions, but also in socio-cultural, especially civilizational, religious, ethical and historiosophical ones. Conflict analysis should depend on their pro­found explanation taking into consideration their axiological and ethical, psychological and historiosoph­ical implications. Conflicts are frequently stimulated due to presentation of various, often extreme, views and explanations of the present, rooted in historical peculiarities of distant or closer past, especially when atendency to prefer aleading role of affirmed, frequently controversial heroes, appears.
EN
Historical policy versus the politics of remembrance is undoubtedly a policy, or a peculiar way to ‘conduct policy,’ where the optimally true knowledge of history as well as falsified and mythicized information about the past are a means to maintain, win and participate in power. By this token, historical policy is about the instrumentalization of the knowledge of history and mythicized accounts or opinions of the past for the sake of the implementation of a political agenda.So far, the concept of ‘historical policy’ has not yet become a clear academic category, which makes it difficult to agree what it actually encompasses. Still, the concept of ‘historical policy’ stands a chance of becoming an objective category in political science. Some professional historians may lean towards a certain skepticism, especially if they accept the traditional paradigm of studying the history of society.Misunderstandings regarding the issue of ‘historical policy’ sometimes result in a tendency to reject the possibility of this concept being applied by academics from the humanities and social fields of science. Recently, the issue of ‘historical policy’ has become of interest to political scientists, whose area of study involves the multiplicity of ‘detailed policies.’‘Historical policy’ is also discussed by many journalists who do not always present deepened reflections and concrete attitudes, as they rather tend to express their subjective views. It turns out that some Polish historians, political scientists and journalists are embroiled in the current political dispute in Poland. They frequently assume the role of lobbyists or opponents of one option of historical policy or another. The issue of historical policy requires analysis and explanation in an objective and multidisciplinary manner. It is a positive phenomenon that more and more publications with academic aspirations are emerging on this subject in Poland. One should recommend the cooperation between political scientists and historians in order to review and reliably explain planned and executed historical policy in a comparative manner.
EN
The article discusses such questions as relations between political thought and political behavior culture, curiosities of historical politics, political thinking and decision process in the area of historical politics, the reasons of State, their requirements and taking decisions in historical politics, as well as the question of scientific reflection on political history. There is a relation between political thought and political culture, and historical politics which depends on referring to the knowledge of the past. Advocates of retrogressive thinking who approve of traditional, or closed and even parochial political culture demonstrate a tendency to use a historical argument. The expression historical politics is mainly understood as “the politics of memory”. It is most frequently used not only as a political science category, but rather as a journalistic expression which is quite freely interpreted. A lot of misunderstandings and controversies arose about it leading to polarization of attitudes: approving and negating, which is largely reflected in the views of many professional historians and political scientists. Historical politics may be examined in the national dimension as well as in international relations, often polarizing ethnic communities. It is conducted in different ways by particular countries depending on their systems: democratic, autocratic or totalitarian. References to the past are frequently made in reflections on the reasons of State when gaining independence is concerned, or due to stimulating evolutionary processes of changes accelerated by new geopolitical decisions. Then, the historical and situation-geopolitical aspect of the reasons of State requirements turns out to be very important. This may determine the choice of a definite concept of historical politics. Historical politics problems are frequently the topic of heated political discussions in Poland in which professional historians and political scientists, as well as journalists who formulate subjective opinions take part, because there are historians who are involved in current historical discourse. Some of them, taking roles of lobbyists of one or another political option, outline a definite direction of historical politics.
FR
Dans l'article nous avons présenté l'opinion des groupes de la Pologne Combattante pendant la 11° guerre en vers la tradition do la Constitution du 3 Mai. Pour montrer clairement les nombreuses opinions des différents groupes de la conspiration polonaise, nous avons divisé notre travail en plusieurs parties dans lesquelles nous avons parlé de huit orientations politiques concernant la Constitution du 3 Mai, sa genèse, sa valeur et son rôle historique. Nous anons souligné les opinions sur la Constitution de 1791 énoncées par: le camp national, les milieux catolico-sociaux, le courant des organisations pro-Piłsudski, les milieux libéraux démocratiques et syndicalistes, le mouvement populaire, les structures dans le pays du gouvernement polonais à rémigration et la gauche communiste. Tous les courants politiques de la Pologne Combattante n'exprimaient pas dans la même mesure l'intdrét pour la fête du 3 Mai, les circonstances do voter la Loi Gouvernementale du 1791, ses principes réformateurs, sa valeur ce qui se manifestait par la fréquence des énonciations, leur volume et leur essence. Il y avait des points de vue différents en ce qui concernait le sens, le rôle et l'importance de la tradition du 3 Mai pour la nation polonaise. Le manque des formules approbatives ou péjoratives ne signifiait pas toujours le rapport indifférent envers la Constitution, et le volume ou l'intensité des énonciations aflirmatives prouvaient même provoquer les réflexions sur les intentions et motivations réelles d'exposer le rôle et l'importdnce de la Grande Diète 1788-1792. Pourtant la tradition du 3 Mai était plus ou moins considérée comme la succession historique de la nation polonaise digne de la continuer, ce qui n'excluait pas la possibilité d'utiliser les moyens différents ou opposés d'interpréter le même événement dramatique et important de l'histoire de la Pologne.
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