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Niemieckie partie polityczne wobec Rosji na tle konfliktu na Ukrainie w latach 2014-2018

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Kosman M. M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2019

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nr 1(370)

105-122

EN

Germany has shown in its history great interest in Central and Eastern Europe. This approach did not change after the reunification in 1990. The Eastern policy of Germany focused on such activities as strengthening political and economic cooperation with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and supporting their aspirations for membership in the European Union and NATO; wide-ranging cooperation with Russia; supporting Russia’s involvement in cooperation with organizations from the Western world; financial support for economic transformation in Russia. From the perspective of Germany, Russia was perceived as one of the most important partners in the process of strengthening international security. In turn, the Orange Revolution of 2004 drew Germany’s greater attention to Ukraine. The conflict in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine, initiated in 2014, became the cause of deep concern in Germany. The article aims to discuss Germany’s attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in 2014-2018 - the position of the German government and the main political parties. The author mainly refers to official documents as well as statements of politicians, mostly taken from the press and websites of German political parties. The research problem raised in the article is the attitude of German political parties to Russia following the annexation of Crimea and support of separatist activities in the East of Ukraine. The author verified two research hypotheses: – Traditional political parties, rooted for several decades in the party system of West Germany, show a high degree of principled attitude to the observance of international law. The consequence of such an approach is a critical position at the official level on Russia’s actions in Ukraine. This does not interfere with the phenomenon of pluralism of views on this issue within particular parties. – The political circles of the Eastern federal states, irrespective of the party colors, due to the economic interest tend to lean towards a more flexible approach to Russia’s policy, including limiting or abolishing the sanctions regime. In implementing the goals of the article, the author used appropriate research methods. He decided to resort primarily to elements of institutional and legal analysis, which was used in the examination of documents. In addition, he applied the comparative method, indispensable for comparing the attitude of German political parties to the title problem.

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Niemcy wobec kryzysu libijskiego w 2011 roku. Enfant terrible świata zachodniego?

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Kosman M. M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2017

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nr 2(363)

135-152

EN

The article presents the events related to the process ofchanges in North Africa. They were dubbed Arab Spring at the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century. In Libya they took a dramatic turn at the end of the rule of Muammar Gaddafi. In response, a group of Western countries launched a military intervention in accordance with the “Responsibility to Protect” due to massive human rights violations by government troops and threats of the Libyan leader. The Western intervention received the mandate of the UN Security Council, but Germany abstained from voting, which was a big surprise for Western partners. Germany was then a non-permanent member of the Council. The aim of the article is to discuss the above circumstances, and to analyze the reasons of the German position in the UN Security Council.

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Polsko-niemieckie stosunki polityczne na przestrzeni trzech dekad po zjednoczeniu Niemiec – główne zagadnienia

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Kosman M. M.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2020

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nr 2

129-148

PL

Stosunki polsko-niemieckie po zjednoczeniu Niemiec stanowią interesującą płaszczyznę badań, co wynika z trudnych i bolesnych relacji w historii, całego szeregu wzajemnych stereotypów, ale i pozytywnych doświadczeń. Autor uważa, że na tym tle ich bilans w ostatnich trzech dekadach wypada pozytywnie. Na potwierdzenie tej tezy w artykule dokonano – i to jest jego zasadniczym celem – selekcji istotniejszych płaszczyzn wzajemnych relacji, poczynając od ich traktatowego uregulowania w latach 1990–1991. Duży nacisk został położony na multilateralny kontekst stosunków polsko-niemieckich, m.in. na rolę Niemiec jako adwokata Polski w staraniach o przyjęcie do UE i NATO, zarys polityki wschodniej obu państw (stosunek do Rosji i Ukrainy), ale i kwestie sporne, jak np. kontrowersje wokół systemu decyzyjnego w UE i ważniejsze problemy bilateralne. W artykule wykorzystano monografi e z zakresu problematyki niemcoznawczej, publikacje niemieckich ośrodków badawczych, czasopisma naukowe, prasę oraz strony internetowe niemieckiego rządu i resortu spraw zagranicznych (Auswärtiges Amt).

EN

Polish-German relations after the reunification of Germany constitute an interesting field of research, which results from difficult and painful relations in a distant history, a whole range of mutual stereotypes but also positive experiences. The author believes that against this background their balance in the last three decades is positive. To confirm this thesis, the article makes – and this is its main goal – the selection of more important areas of mutual relations, starting from their treaty regulation in the years 1990–1991. Great emphasis was placed on the multilateral context of Polish- German relations, including the role of Germany as Poland’s advocate in efforts to join the EU and NATO, an outline of the eastern policy of both countries (attitude towards Russia and Ukraine) but also disputable issues, such as controversy around the decision-making system in the EU and major bilateral problems. The article uses monographs in the field of German studies, publications of German research centers, scientific journals, press and websites of the German government and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Auswärtiges Amt).

4

Stosunki niemiecko-rosyjskie po zimnej wojnie na poziomie przywódców państwowych. Pod znakiem personalizacji i depersonalizacji

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Kosman M. M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2021

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nr 2 (379)

7-23

EN

The article examines the issue of German-Russian relations at the level of state leaders after the end of the Cold War. These bilateral contacts involved different phases. The first phase was dominated by personalization, which was characterized by friendly relations between Helmut Kohl and Boris Yeltsin. After Gerhard Schröder took the office of chancellor, a short phase of depersonalization in the relations between Schröder and Yeltsin followed. After Vladimir Putin took power in Russia, the personalization phase returned, manifested by friendly contacts between Schröder and Putin, which ended when Angela Merkel assumed the office of chancellor. Her relations with Putin and Medvedev were of a pragmatic nature, aimed at solving current problems in international relations. The article describes the above-mentioned relations between the leaders and their influence on bilateral relations between the two states.

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Pod znakiem Zeitenwende. Konflikt rosyjsko-ukraiński z perspektywy Niemiec (2014-2022)

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Kosman M. M.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2023

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nr 1-2 (386)

33-50

EN

The aim of the article is to provide an overview of Germany’s post-Cold War policy towards Russia, especially in the context of such epoch-making political events in Ukraine as the Orange Revolution, the Russian annexation of Crimea and the conflict in eastern Ukraine, and Russia’s February 2022 invasion of Ukraine, as well as the accompanying announcements of a breakthrough in German foreign and security policy under the Zeitenwende banner. Therefore, the following research hypothesis can be put forward: Russian military actions against Ukraine in 2022 appear to mark a turning point in German policy towards Russia that signifies a major divergence from the German perception of Russia as a link promoting the stability of the global environment. They also portend a potential bigger turn in German foreign policy toward assuming more responsibility for international security matters. Although Russia’s image in Germany had been undergoing gradual changes in the previous years, the new phase of the conflict (since February 2022) radically accelerated this process. The monographic method was used in the preparation of the article, which allowed for discussion of the facts cited, including their cause and effect sequence, and this in turn facilitated an analysis of the key aspects of the evolution of German policy towards Russia. Content analysis method was also employed to examine program documents, statements, selected legislative acts and studies.