Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Evolution of an Approach to the Problem of Relations which Public Authority May Enter, as a Condition for EU Membership

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Potorski R. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Urbański D. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J. , Bryc A. , Bojarczyk B. , Jorgensen F. A. E. , Niedziołka D. , Pacześniak A. , Potorski R. , Wincławska M. , Włodkowska-Bagan A. , Jeran A. , Mol A. , Solsbery A. , Dąbrowska I. , Głodkowski M. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

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nr 1 (1)

PL

In the light of the evolution of political systems the classical model of national state does not have the potential to fully explain the complex of a state (public power) both current state and international relations. The new forms of governing the international markets and other economic processes, currently emerging, are engaging national governments. However, given a new role, the countries begin to function less as “sovereign” beings and more as components of international political community. At the same time occurs the engagement of non-governmental actors, employed to make important public decisions – it redefines society from being an object of governance to being a potential resource that needs to be activated in the pursuit of good public governance.That is why, moving away from the centrally understood model of decision-making known from the nation-state determines understanding of modern relations that public authority takes part in (such as the membership in the structures of the European Union – which is connected to a change in conditions of established patterns of governing). To explain that phenomenon it is used the concept of a hollow state.Full text: http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/czasopismo/589/?idno=14761

2

Surprise, an Anniversary Gift or a Real Challenge? Quick View on the Election of Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council

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Potorski R. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Urbański D. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J. , Bryc A. , Bojarczyk B. , Jorgensen F. A. E. , Niedziołka D. , Pacześniak A. , Potorski R. , Wincławska M. , Włodkowska-Bagan A. , Jeran A. , Mol A. , Solsbery A. , Dąbrowska I. , Głodkowski M. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2014

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nr 2 (6)

PL

Ten years after Poland’s accession to the European Union it seems right to ask the question: is our country a subject or an object in the political game in Brussels? Is our position strong enough to effectively influence the decision-making mechanisms in the European Union? Or maybe what some say about Poland’s position in the EU is true and our country is indeed “playing out of its league? In an attempt to contribute to answering these questions, in this text the author tries to identify the factors which may have had an impact on the election of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council. The aim of the conducted cognitive process is also to perform an initial analysis of the visible results of this move, both for the institutional system of the European Union and for the way in which public decisions are shaped within the organization.The author also tries to identify the most significant challenges the Union has to face, as seen from the perspective of the President of the European Council. One might hope that this will be a good starting point for learning about the mechanism of forming political decisions in the EU, which will also find their place in the hereby publication as part of an extended analysis.

3

Crises as Factors Motivating Changes in Creating Public Policy in the European Communities / European Union

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Potorski R. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Urbański D. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J. , Bryc A. , Bojarczyk B. , Jorgensen F. A. E. , Niedziołka D. , Pacześniak A. , Potorski R. , Wincławska M. , Włodkowska-Bagan A. , Jeran A. , Mol A. , Solsbery A. , Dąbrowska I. , Głodkowski M. , Kopcewicz G. , Olszanecka N. , Piechowiak-Lamparska J.

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

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2014

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nr 2 (6)

PL

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the “empty chair” crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.

4

Social Dimension of the Judicature of the Court of Justice. Analysis on the Basis of Judgment in the Stehcempt Case (C-277/14)

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Potorski R.

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2016

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nr 4(114)

187-199

EN

Sociolegal situation of Poland is now a lot different from the one before 2004. Membership of our country to an integrative organization with such an advanced character as the European Union causes that it is necessary to take a wider look at the issue of functioning of the political system patterns, as well as, as a consequence, at entities and methods which may be taken into account during public decision making. Here one of the most interesting issues, and as it seems still least learned aspects of the EU governance is proceeding participation of the judicial sector of the EU within political life of the member states. Aim of the author is to verify a research assumption that the CJ jurisdiction has a serious social dimension, noticeable also for Polish nonpublic actors. According to the principle of the CJ judicature, today named as quasiprecedent, each nonpublic body may point to previous judgements of the Court each time it assumes that it might have positive effects. But when we take into account how large that source is today possibility of such situation is high.

5

Rzecz o bestiach, zgromadzeniach i publicznej partycypacji. Czyli o społecznym wymiarze orzecznictwa Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w analizie na wybranych przykładach

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Potorski R.

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nr 3(113)

86-104

EN

Judicial control of the conformity of law to the constitution nowadays serves as one of the basic guarantees of the observance of the constitution. In majority of continental European states it is performed by a particular body a constitutional court. So the same is true in Poland, however it seems still to be one of the least understood aspects of the functioning of our political system. And especially with regard to the opportunities offered by that for nonpublic entities to protect their rights and to influence the public decision making process. The awareness in this respect seems to be on a very low level. That is why the aim of the author is to verify a research assumption that the Constitutional Court jurisdiction has a serious social dimension, noticeable for Polish nonpublic actors.

6

Poland’s Foreign Policy towards the European Union 2015-2017: A Hard Cooperation Model or a Collision Course?

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Willa R. , Potorski R.

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tom 60

163-181

PL

Po 1989 roku priorytetem Polski w polityce zagranicznej było najpierw dążenie do uzyskania członkostwa, a następnie zacieśnianie więzi łączących ją z Sojuszem Północnoatlantyckim i z Unią Europejską. Tego obrazu nie zmącił nawet krótki okres (2005–2007) sprawowania władzy w kraju przez koalicję eurosceptyków i skrajnej prawicy. Dało się już jednak wówczas zauważyć inny sposób myślenia czy to o roli polityki zagranicznej w ramach polityk państwowych, czy także o modelu jednoczenia Europy. Po kolejnych 8 latach funkcjonowania Polski w głównym nurcie procesów integracji europejskiej na krajowej scenie politycznej nastąpił gwałtowny zwrot w prawo i tym samym przejęcie pełnej i samodzielnej władzy przez partię Prawo i Sprawiedliwość. Od tego czasu obserwujemy, nasilający się niemal z każdym dniem, spór na linii Warszawa–Bruksela. Od czego się on zaczął? Jakich kwestii dotyczy? Jakie są możliwe scenariusze rozwoju wydarzeń? Spróbujemy na te i inne pytania odpowiedzieć w niniejszym artykule.

EN

After 1989, Poland’s foreign policy initially prioritized aiming for membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union and, upon achieving this goal, the focus shifted to strengthening the bonds with these organizations. This very image was not disturbed even by a short period of time (2005–2007), during which a coalition of the Euroskeptics and the extreme Right ruled the country. However, some symptoms were noticeable back then, regarding a certain change in the manner of thinking about the role of the foreign policy within the framework of state policies or about the model of the unification of Europe. After 8 more years of Poland’s existence within the main trend of European integration processes, a rapid shift to the right occurred on the domestic political scene and in consequence the Law and Justice party achieved full and selfcontained authority. Since that very moment, we have been observing a Warsaw-Brussels conflict that seems to be escalating with almost every passing day. What initiated the conflict? What matters does it concern? What is the possible course of events? In this article, we shall attempt at providing an answer to these, as well as other questions.