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EN
Social insurance is most often discussed in the relevant literature as a social or political rather than an economic issue. Its managerial aspects are even less frequently addressed. This paper attempts to present synthetically the evolution of social insurance management in three dimensions: social risks, the institutional system and financial issues. Ideas implemented in the 19th and in the first half of the 20th century in the field of insurance system management were of a centralised nature, concentrating the basic instruments in the hands of public authorities. This phenomenon was to intensify especially after World War I. The focus shifted from setting the rules, principles and forms of operation of bottom-up insurance initiatives to direct control of either the institutional system or the funds. As a result, forms of risk hedging and financing became increasingly less flexible.
PL
Ubezpieczenia społeczne w literaturze występują najczęściej jako zagadnienie społeczne czy polityczne, rzadziej podejmuje się wątki o charakterze gospodarczym, a tym bardziej rozpatruje je przez pryzmat kwestii zarządzania. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba syntetycznego przedstawienia ewolucji zarządzania ubezpieczeniami społecznymi w trzech wymiarach: ryzyk społecznych, systemu instytucjonalnego i kwestii finansowych. W XIX i pierwszej połowie XX w. w zakresie zarządzania systemem ubezpieczeń realizowano pomysły centralizujące, skupiające podstawowe instrumenty w ręku władz publicznych. Zjawisko to zyskało na sile zwłaszcza po I wojnie światowej. Przemierzono drogę od wyznaczania reguł, zasad i form funkcjonowania oddolnych inicjatyw ubezpieczeniowych do bezpośredniego sterowania czy to systemem instytucjonalnym, czy funduszami. W konsekwencji wytwarzano coraz mniej elastyczne formy zabezpieczania i finansowania ryzyk.
EN
After the First World War the Republic of Poland was an agricultural country where almost 2/3 of the population of a country was cultivating. This agrarian structure, with dwarf farms, was not very profitable, because it did not give maintenance to its owner, and it had no prospects of development for the future. The most important issues were the remains of archaic ways of farming such as patchwork and land communities. Poland was not raised from the dead yet when the issue of the agrarian reforms divided politicians into two hostile camps. This state of the situation had disastrous influence on reformist conceptions because some parties had more and more radical watchwords and the other ones were falling into extreme conservatism. As a result of such conduct there was the establishment of agrarian relations. On 10th July, 1919 the Seym (the lower house of the Polish Parliament) adopted a resolution concerning the agricultural reform and on 15th July, 1920 following it a bill, which were both the result of the compromise. None of political options was satisfied of that bill, so nobody cared deeply about the realization of the bill. Władysław Grabski did not have to be concerned about the demands of the agricultural reform which were becoming more and more radical. The tension round the issue was his own fault, the consequence of the adoption of the tactic to find support in the Seym. The Prime Minister did not have any uniform, reformist manifesto. He was selecting his associates on the basis of the profit or the loss of votes in Parliament, not taking the realization of the bill into consideration. In the first half ol 1924, when the highest positions were taken by the people of the Right, Władysław Grabski was realizing the conception of the transformation of the agrarian structure using economic stimuli. Bigger properties were due to be taxed. At the same time some preparations were made to introduce State Agricultural Bank whose aim was to help in integrating of farmlands. To meet with support in Parliament Władysław Grabski resigned as Minister of Agricultural Reforms. W. Kopczyński, the candidate of the Polish Peasant Party „Liberation" was Władysław Grabski’s successor. It was unavoidable to introduce the issue of the agricultural reform in forum of the Seym where politics were more important than sober thinking. It was failure of reforms connected with the Polish country because politics once again won with a Polish raison d’etat.
EN
The easiest and perhaps a bit stereotypical thinking about the role of priest makes him positioned in sacred space. Undoubtedly, he is an activist in this area by taking responsibility for leading his flock to redemption. Without any doubt the roles connected with holding particular positions in the governmental structures were traditional. In addition clergy, especially lower ones, were often in a position of a mediator (peasant – landlord). These traditional roles were built in feudal society and in this social structure. Meanwhile, the industrial revolution and intense processes of industrialization and urbanization changed the face of the world, they changed the circumstances in which people were supposed to live in those days. There were social and political changes that could not be unnoticed, in particular voting rights were given to other groups of people and modern concepts – which met with a wide public response (socialism especially) – were developed. They became the basis for the change of church’s and clergy’s attitudes towards both society and their place and role in the society. A doctrinal basis of this transformation became the encyclical of Pope Leon XIII Rerum novarum as of 1891 together with it the Quadragesimo anno (1931) implemented four decades later. There was a great social movement in Poland at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century. The movement that initiated and activated, in other words woke communities up to life, that built social capital. Of course that movement had different social composition but a very important part in that composition was assumed by clergy. Both social status and priestly role were formed again. Changes in attitudes towards a man and interest in man’s mundane part of life had to result in both the transformation of the clergy’s role and the extension of their responsibility for the secular sphere. Times of the Second Republic of Poland led to a complete development of new roles and attitudes among clergy.
EN
In the Second Republic of Poland, there was an urge to make use of the social insurance funds in the economic policy, especially as the principles of financing the longterm security systems fostered such policy. With the passage of time, the authorities constructed instruments which allowed influence on both the means and the directions of allocation of the social insurance funds. Moreover, the authorities strived to take over control on the funds and to convert them into one of the most important reservoirs of investment capital that could be utilised in economic policy. In order to accomplish the aforementioned project, the state's banks were used to unleash auxiliary capital, frozen – in a way – in the social insurances. Year on year, there was an increasing importance of those funds in the investment policy of consecutive governments of the Second Republic of Poland. The funds were substantial, especially after implementation of the insurance for the white-collar workers and, afterwards, a pension for the blue-collar workers. Positive assessment of the execution of the first investment programs from the social insurances' funds, at the end of the 1920s and beginning of the 1930s resulted in the decision to increase their contribution in the following years. That issue was of great importance while implementing reform of the social insurance system in 1933. Then, it was clearly indicated that some long-term social insurance funds would be incorporated into capital used by the state.
PL
W II Rzeczypospolitej dość wyraźnie objawiła się dążność do wykorzystania funduszy ubezpieczeń społecznych w polityce gospodarczej. Zasady finansowania systemów ubezpieczeń o charakterze długoterminowym sprzyjały prowadzeniu takiej polityki. Z biegiem lat władze skonstruowały instrumentarium, za pomocą którego wpływały na sposoby i kierunki alokacji funduszy ubezpieczeń społecznych, dążąc do przejęcia kontroli nad tymi funduszami i przekształcenia ich w jeden z istotniejszych rezerwuarów kapitału inwestycyjnego w polityce gospodarczej. Wykorzystywano do tego banki państwowe, poprzez które uwalniano kapitały zapasowe niejako zamrożone w ubezpieczeniach społecznych. Środki te z roku na rok nabierały coraz większego znaczenia w polityce inwestycyjnej kolejnych rządów II Rzeczypospolitej. Fundusze były znaczące, zwłaszcza po wprowadzeniu ubezpieczenia pracowników umysłowyc h, a następnie emerytalnego robotników. Po pozytywnej ocenie realizacji pierwszych programów inwestycyjnych z funduszy ubezpieczeń społecznych na przełomie lat 20. i 30. XX w. w następnych l atach zdecydowano o większym ich zaangażowaniu. Kwestia ta miała niebagatelne znaczenie podczas wprowadzania reformy ubezpieczeń społecznych w 1933 r. Wyraźnie bowiem wskazano, że część funduszy ubezpieczeń społecznych o charakterze długoterminowym zostanie włączona do zasobów kapitału wykorzystywanego przez państwo.
EN
The beginnings of eminent initiative of bishop Wincenty Tymieniecki, the first parish priest of the St Stanislaus Kostka cathedral parish, are disappearing into the past. It is astonishing that organization which had been running a dozen or so social institutions, operating for two decades and helping many thousand inhabitants of Lodz, had left so few traces. The Association of Shelters of st Stanislaus Kostka was established in autumn 1914. After its re-registration in 1922 it had been operating up to autumn 1936. The Association’s peak of development was reached in 1917. Then the organization had been running eight schelters, two hostels for children, creche, two hostels for the homeless and school for the deaf and dumb. Furthermore, the Association had been running sewing and shoemaker’s workshop and the one producing headgears. Courses for pre-school teachers were finished in the same year as well. In August 1920 the Management of the Association, facing serious problems regarding balancing the budget of the organization, decided to gradually close down schelters and even hostels, on condition that the budget improved. After 1922 only „Sienkiewiczówka” and III schelter remained and after a while the organization lost its importance and was replaced by other social organizations, mainly by Lodz diocesan „Caritas”. The Association’s activity is an interesting example of civil activation of inhabitants of Lodz, an attempt to overcome social issues tormenting this industrial city. History of activity of the organization shows transformation of the social policy of municipal authorities. The initial civil activity was supported by official authorities on the principles of subsidiarity and it concerned German occupation authorities above all. Along with coming a time when the Republic of Poland had been formed, the attention was reallocated to full control of social institutions and with time municipal authorities started to limit its support. Not only did they seize the role of the creating entity but they also operated their own institutions. That way, civil activity taken up to date, was significantly limited.
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