Masaryk’s attitudes changed during his life. At the same time, however, it is also possible to observe certain constants of his thinking and political attitudes on this issue. The interpretive perspectives in historiography are very different: on the one hand, there is the view that the Czech nationalist was betraying the declared humanist ideals; on the other hand, he is portrayed as an scholar exalted above nationalist animosities. It must be acknowledged that he was not always completely coherent in his attitudes and changed accents depending on political circumstances throughout his life. To emphasize these differences, Masaryk’s life is divided into three phases. As a pre-war politician, he understood Czech historical state law as a fact in which he tried to propose a compromise solution for the coexistence of both nationalities based on a high degree of district self-government, which he did not owe to any of the unmatched national camps. During the war, his arguments were dominated by international aspects and the formation of Czechoslovakia as a nation state with the status of the Germans as a minority with equal individual rights. The third part about Masaryk as an interwar president deals mainly with the reasons for the failure to build a «political» nation that would overlap ethnic differences.
Several scientific teams were formed in Czechoslovakia in the second half of the 1960s one of which, focused upon politological analysis of the Czechoslovak socialistic system, was lead by Zdeněk Mlynář. The article strives mainly to reconstruct proceedings of this scientific team by virtue of preserved archive sources from library collections of the Academy of Science that have not been made use of essentially so far as for the historiography dedicated to Mlynář’s work. At the same time Mlynář’s career strategy is being analysed whose scientific activity was by and by suppressed by his employment of the politician-professional. That is the reason why no monumental collective treatise has been left behind by this team contrary to other domestic scientific teams. There is also only a small number of published journal studies; that is why this article has focused primarily upon a reconstruction of the theme range of colloquia that were held within the research project.
The article is directed towards describing and analysing three thematic parts. The first is directed towards the social conditions in the modern European societies of around 1900, which stimulated the development of public care for the young. These conditions are classified as follows: the end of the first demographic transition, an economy of human resources motivated by utilitarian thinking, nationalist populationism and militarism. In the specific conditions of building Czechoslovakia, state propaganda emphasizing building the image of a democratic, tolerant and progressive republic must be added to these facts. The second part is devoted to the problematic fusion of the different traditions of care for the young in the Austrian and Hungarian parts of the Habsburg Monarchy. Analysis of the problems of unification focuses on three thematic parts: 1) differences in the legislation of the two parts of the state, 2) the institutional structure and its development, 3) traditions of civil charity. In spite of the transfer of the Czech organizational structure of District Youth Care and its centralized building based on ethnic principles into Slovakia and Sub-Carpathian Ruthenia, strong elements of continuity with the pre-war system remained. The third part deals with nationalism and ethnic factors in social care for the young. Precisely here, there was strong continuity with the 19th century, when national rivalry between the Czechs and Germans influenced the development of the institutions of social care. Special attention is devoted to the Roma and the application of the vague concept of the “Gypsy way of life” to care for the young.
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