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EN
The issue оf contemporary Macedonian state consolidation in the context of its aspiration to the European Union Since its establishment, the Republic of Macedonia has been facing the crisis of social and political system. This is connected with the complicated ethnic and religious relations, diffi­cult economic condition of the state and complex, international circumstances in the Balkans. The European Union makes the membership of Macedonia in its structures dependent on the implementation of solutions preventing the renewal of the armed conflict between the Mace­donian authorities and Albanian rebels in the year 2001. The reforms implemented on the basis of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (2001) are designed to provide the social and economic stability in the country, mainly through the cooperation between Macedonians and Albanians. The imbalance between the strengthening of the position of the Albanian national minority in the entirety of the state system and the progress in the establishment of the civil society raises the concern of the observers of the social and political life in Macedonia. The division of the society based on the ethnicity criterion is strengthened in Macedonia. The opportunity of the development of cooperation over the ethnic divisions is limited due to a strong role of nationalistic sentiments, insufficient legitimacy of framework agreement by the citizens and pathologies of social and political life (corruption, organized crime). It is likely that ethnic criteria that are the basis for currently implemented system changes in the Republic of Mace­donia shall dominate the pursuit to democratize the state as a whole. It will be a threat for the consolidation of the republic, since the particularistic tendencies may outweigh the peaceful cooperation for strengthening the unity of the state.
PL
The aim of the article is to show the forms and content of public and political activity of the Slavic elites in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the time of Habsburg rule (1878–1914). The research into the press releases and academic publications allows to show the most prominent circles and individuals who aspired to be the representatives of the people, defined in accordance with ethnic and religious divisions. These groups are characterised via an analysis of the correlation between the socio-political circumstances in Bosnia and the external influences (such as ideologies, personal and organisation relations, the impact of the state authorities). The political stances among the most prominent circles are portrayed in the context of the legal and institutional solutions regarding Bosnia, as well as the ethnic and religious policy of the Habsburg administration.
EN
The article decribes the circumstances of the emergence of the Serbian financial elites within the autonomous Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia at the turn of the 19th century, taking into consideration the circles which provided financial and credit services at that time. The role of the Serbian financial elites is discussed from the perspective of their economic activity, social and political affiliations. The discussion includes the context of the dual autonomy in the legal and political field, which regulated the status of the Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia, the Patriarchate of Karlovci, and determined the overall situation of the Orthodox Serbs.The reflection on the influence of the financial elites on the social and political modernisation processes among the Serbian population of the then Croatian autonomy is created on the basis of the The Serbian Bank in Zagreb programme assumptions (Srpska banka; 1895–1918), which was the most prominent financial establishment associated with the Serbian capital within Austria-Hungary.
PL
W artykule zostały przedstawione okoliczności, w których doszło do wykrystalizowania się serbskich elit finansowych w autonomicznym Królestwie Chorwacji i Sławonii, na przełomie XIX i XX wieku. Pod uwagę wzięto środowiska  które w tym czasie prowadziły działalność finansowo-kredytową. Rola serbskich elit finansowych jest charakteryzowana pod kątem działań ekonomicznych i powiązań społeczno-politycznych. W opisie uwzględniono kontekst “podwójnej autonomii” prawno-politycznej”, w których ówcześnie funkcjonowali prawosławni Serbowie, dotyczącej statusu Królestwa Chorwacji i Sławonii oraz patriarchatu w Karlovcach. Na podstawie analizy założeń programowych Banku Serbskiego z Zagrzebia (Srpska banka; 1895–1918), największej instytucji finansowej, która była kojarzona z serbskim kapitałem w Austro-Węgrzech, przeprowadzona jest refleksja nad wpływem omawianych elit na proces modernizacji społecznej i politycznej ludności serbskiej z obszaru ówczesnej Chorwacji.
EN
The aim of the article is to present, on the basis of source materials and historiographical findings, the regularities associated with the evolution of the Wallachian settlement in Thessaloniki in the 19th and 20th centuries. In this case, a rapid process of assimilation of the newcomers into the local Greek-speaking Orthodox community is noticeable. It took place in the context of coexistence between individual Wallachian families and the Greek population in cultural and economic terms. At the root of integration of Wallachians with the Greeks were the religious community (subordination to the Patriarchate of Constantinople, common churches and liturgy in Greek), the lack of an adequately established Wallachian language tradition, and the impossibility of implementing their traditions (identified with a pastoral-transhumant economy) in urban socio-economic realities. As a result, the settlers in Thessaloniki became Hellenized in a linguistic and national sense, but they kept also some cultural distinctions, defined in terms of kinship or places of origin. This situation could not be altered by cultural activities of Romania, which at the turn of the 20th century aimed at establishing national and linguistic ties with individual Wallachian communities.
EN
The article deals with the discursive process through which Croatia framed its so-called “return to Europe” throughout the 1990s. T he author explores how Franjo Tudjman perceived Europe and European values by defining Croatian national identity in the strict opposition to the Balkan or Yugoslav identity. The post-communist government, which came to power after the first democratic elections in 1990, made use of the pre-communist historical-national narratives to legitimize itself and unify all ethnic Croats against the military threat. Even though since the beginning of the 1990s the Croatian president had declared his desire to join the European Union (EU ) as a visible symbol of the so called Europeanization process, a nationalist and isolationist attitude dominated both his political discourse and the intellectual debate. Europe was associated with the ontological values dedicated to the Western civilization rather than with such principles as democratization or the protection of human and minority rights, promoted by the EU . I n order to show the main directions within the F. Tudjman’s discourse, I used the analysis method focusing on his speeches and other works.
EN
The article investigates the factors which determined the evolution of the national security concept in the Republic of Croatia during the period 1995-2013, as viewed by the political elite as well as the Croatian society. The Croatian public discourse approaches the national security in the context of either a multi-faceted reform of the country’s security sector or an improvement of both the democratic control over the military and security forces. Among the former Yugoslav republics, Croatia accomplished major goals in its pursuit of the national security policy. After a period of arduous reforms and reconstruction, the country has become a member of both the NATO and the European Union. The issues which are still disputed among the researchers are the legal bases for the security policy and the process of the internalization of values lying at the foundation of the security sector reform. It is questionable whether or not the newly established system of legal and institutional references is likely to consolidate in the social, political and economic reality of modern Croatia.
EN
The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and  appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups.
PL
Socio-economic conditions of refugees’ settlement in Bulgaria in the 1920s. The influx of immigrants into Bulgaria during the first two decades of 20th century was aresult of the two lost armed conflicts and border shifts between 1913 and 1918. These changesin turn resulted in disruption of the socio-political and economic situation within the country.The government was unable to efficiently overcome the consequences of high immigration,which aggravated the already present social and economic difficulties and threatened the internal stability of the state. On the other hand, in spite of the grave political and economiccrisis, certain measures were undertaken to counter the negative tendencies, with state supportfor the agricultural settlement. The partial success of the above was possible due to theagriculture reform introduced in 1924 and financial credits from abroad (1926, 1928). Theoutcome was sufficient for the Bulgarian government to deem the settlement action a success, an enhancement of the country's internal stability and  appeasement of the general public. Nevertheless, a number of pressing issues remained, resulting mostly from a lack of systemic support to the immigrants and their families. The refugee integration process was hindered bythe lack of a secure economic foundation and the differences among the particular socialgroups.  
PL
Wyzwania dla bezpieczeństwa narodowego Grecji wobec zmian geopolitycznych na Bałkanach po I wojnie światowej (1919–1923) Celem artykułu jest ukazanie roli regionu bałkańskiego w greckiej politce zagranicznej w latach 1918–1923, na podstawie korespondencji dyplomatycznej i literatury przedmiotu. W omawianym okresie Grecja miała ograniczoną możliwość wpływania na geopolitykę regionu, ze względu na wojnę z Turcją (1918–1922) i rozliczne problemy wewnętrzne. Poszczególne cele terytorialne, np. kwestie delimitacji granicy albańskiej czy przynależności państwowej Tracji zachodniej, były realizowane w ścisłej współpracy z mocarstwami – sojusznikami z Ententy. Z drugiej strony, jak wynika np. z greckiej korespondencji dyplomatycznej, istniało przekonanie, że ze względu na istnienie wielu kontrowersji terytorialnych i narodowych, zwłaszcza dotyczących spraw macedońskich i trackich, poszczególne państwa bałkańskie były od siebie wzajemnie uzależnione na arenie międzynarodowej. Z tego względu wyzwaniem dla greckiej dyplomacji było utrzymanie równowagi sił w regionie poprzez stosowanie taktyki „przeciągania liny”. W szczególności starano się aranżować mniej lub bardziej stabilne konstrukcje polityczne z Królestwem SHS i Rumunią, nastawione na zdominowanie rewizjonistycznej Bułgarii i Turcji.
EN
The aim of the article is to show the role of the Balkan states within the Greek foreign policy during the period 1918–1923, on the base of diplomatic correspondence and historiography. The consequences of the military conflict with Turkey (1918–1922) and the internal problems, constantly harassing the socio-political life of Greece, seriously weakened its ability to impact effectively on particular geopolitical problems in the Balkan region. The Greek regional policy could be achieved, completely or partially, only with close cooperation with the powers from outside. It was connected with such cases as the delimitation of the Albanian frontier or the solution of the Western Thrace question in 1920. On the other hand, the proceedings of the Greek diplomats were determined by the belief that due to the unresolved territorial and national controversies, especially in the issue of the Macedonian and Thracian lands, the particular Balkan states were dependent on each other on the international arena. That is why the Greek diplomacy started apply the tactics of balance of power in the region, aiming at the creation of less or more stable bilateral political constructions with the Kingdom SCS (Yugoslavia) and Romania. Their aim was to ensure the advantage over the competitors on the Balkan arena, especially over Bulgarian and Turkish revisionist agendas. 
EN
The aim of the paper is to present the conditions of a significant outflow of Vlachs from the Pindos region, which is commonly treated as one of traditional areas of the Vlachs’ settlement. The migrations lasted several decades, the majority of migrants stayed on the Turkish territory, although some families migrated to other countries, especially to the central-eastern Europe. The population movements were caused by worsening security and living conditions, connected with activity of bandits and political-military turbulence in the European part of the Ottoman Turkey. First, tradesmen and craftsmen migrated, then the shepherds started looking for new pastures and locations for their settlement. As a result, the Wallachian settlers dispersed through upland-mountainous regions of Thessaly, Thrace, Macedonia, Bosnia. They settled in towns in Austria, Serbia, Greece, Bulgaria or Romania.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie okoliczności, które doprowadziły do odpływu ludności wołoskiej z rejonu gór Pindos, który jest uznawany za jeden z tradycyjnych obszarów osadnictwa Wołochów. Migracje te trwały przez dziesiątki lat, w większości odbywały się w ramach Turcji osmańskiej, ale poszczególne rodzin udawały się także poza jej granice, przeważnie do Europy środkowo-wschodniej. Wędrówki były powodowane przez pogarszający się stan bezpieczeństwa, związany z działalnością band rozbójniczych i turbulencje polityczno-militarne w europejskiej części Turcji. Motywy wędrówek miały także charakter ekonomiczny. Początkowo migrowały rodziny, żyjące z działalności handlowej i rzemieślniczej. Stopniowo z Pindosu zaczęły odpływać poszczególne klany, które szukały nowych pastwisk i miejsc osadnictwa. W rezultacie kilkusetletnich migracji, wołoscy osadnicy rozproszyli się po wyżynno-górzystych rejonach Tesalii, Tracji, Macedonii, Bośni. Osiedlali się w także miastach w Austrii, Serbii, Grecji, Bułgarii i Rumunii.
EN
The aim of the article is to show different aspects of diversity among the Vlachs in the contemporary socio-political realities of the particular countries in South-Eastern Europe. Their diversity leads to a general threefold description. Most commonly the Vlachs are regarded as a cultural or regional minority (in Greece, Bulgaria, Croatia), they are identified with the Romanian nation (Bulgaria, Romania), or seen as an ethnic and language minority (North Macedonia, Albania). The communities of Vlachs had shaped their customs, traditions and identity in relation to their local living conditions. They were forced to find a modus vivendi with the dominant Slavic, Greek or Albanian-speaking population, as well as their local codes of conduct. As a result, the dispersed communities have never developed a uniform ethnic or cultural identity, which would bind them into a greater whole. What differentiates them further, is their legal and political situation in the particular countries of residence. 
PL
W artykule zwrócono uwagę na zróżnicowaną charakterystykę ludności wołoskiej we współczesnych realiach społeczno-politycznych poszczególnych państw Europy południowo-wschodniej. Na jej podstawie można wyodrębnić trojakie rozumienie Wołochów. Najczęściej traktuje się ich jako mniejszość w sensie kulturowym i regionalnym (w Grecji, Bułgarii, Chorwacji), identyfikuje z żywiołem rumuńskim (Bułgaria, Rumunia) lub uznaje za mniejszość etno-językową (w Macedonii Północnej i Albanii). Obyczajowość, tradycje i tożsamość społeczności wołoskich ukształtowały się w odniesieniu do lokalnych warunków życia. Wołosi musieli szukać modus vivendi z ludnością, która na danym obszarze dominowała liczebnie i określała reguły funkcjonowania. W rezultacie, rozproszone społeczności wołoskie nie wygenerowały jednolitej tożsamości etnicznej czy kulturowej, która mogłaby je spoić w większą całość. Zróżnicowana jest także ich sytuacja prawno-polityczna w poszczególnych państwach. 
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2021
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nr 4 (31)
131-148
EN
Hungary’s role in the activity of the Ustasha - Croatian Revolutionary Movement (1929-1934). The Ustasha (Ustaša) movement developed in Hungary, establishing its cadre organisation framework, seeking the support of Croatian migrant communities and training task forces in diversion and terrorist tactics. Following their disclosure, however, they were no longer supported by the Hungarian authorities.
EN
The dispute about the autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox Church (MOC), one of the questions within the discourse on the Macedonian national identity since 1967, gained new significance after 1991, as a consequence of the political emancipation of the Republic of Macedonia (RM). This issue is strongly associated with other concerns, such as the country’s internal integration and the struggle to strengthen its sovereignty. In order to support the MOC the authorities attempt to rally the ethnic Macedonians around the idea of national independence and diminish the influences of other Orthodox Churches on the followers of this denomination in RM. Year 2002 saw the failure of the religious consultation and an imminent schism within MOC. It prompted the authorities to act as a guarantor of the undivided jurisdiction of the MOC over the country’s entire territory. This course of action resulted in worsening of the relations with the neighboring Orthodox Christian countries, since the governments cooperate with their respective Churches to contest the independence of MOC. Moreover, since 2002 the issue of MOC’s status is frequently presented within the context of accusations against the RM’s authorities of breaching the civil and religious rights.
EN
The aim of the article is to describe, on the basis of historiography, the evolution of main Vlach settlements located in the Olympus and Vermio regions. All they were created as the results of migrations of the population from the Pindos area at the turn of the 18th and 19th century. The culmination of these movements fell on the second part of the 18th (Olympus) and the first part of the 19th century (Vermio). During the following decades the Vlach enclaves, such as Livadi, Kato Vermio or Xirolivado experienced a gradual fragmentarisation. Although the part of the population continued traditional forms of economic activity and kept in contact with its „native” settlements from the Pindos area, the majority became assimilated with the local Greek population. Vlachs supplied Greek-speaking communities in Veroia, Naoussa, Katerini, abandoned the transhumant economy, traditional dialects and migrated to Romania.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie, na podstawie ustaleń historiografii, ewolucji najważniejszych ośrodków osadnictwa wołoskiego w rejonach Olimpu i Vermio. Umocniły się one w następstwie wędrówek ludności z obszaru Pindosu, w XVIII i XIX wieku. W przypadku Olimpu kulminacja migracji przypadła na drugą połowę XVIII wieku, a w rejonie Vermio na pierwsze trzy dekady XIX wieku. Ukształtowane wówczas enklawy osadnicze, związane z Livadi, Kato Vermio, Xirolivado, w kolejnych dekadach ulegały rozczłonkowaniu. Choć część ludności kontynuowała wcześniejszą działalność ekonomiczną i jeszcze w XIX wieku utrzymywała kontakty z „macierzystymi” osadami z Pindosu, większość uległa asymilacji z Grekami. Wołosi zasilali greckojęzyczne społeczności miejskie w Werii (Veroia), Naoussie i Katerini, rezygnowali z gospodarki transhumancyjnej i tradycyjnego języka oraz migrowali do Rumunii.
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