The article is dedicated to the 1934 philosophical and historical essay by Petar Mutafchiev entitled The Priest Bogomil and St. John of Rila. The Spirit of Negation in Our History (Поп Богомил и Свети Иван Рилски. Духът на отрицанието в нашата история), discussed in the context of both the author’s general historiographic output and the spiritual and cultural explorations of Bulgarian intellectuals in the interwar period. The study examines certain external influences on Mutafchiev’s scholarly work, first and foremost Benedetto Croce’s views on absolute historicism. It also investigates three central historiosophic concepts of the Bulgarian medievalist: 2) the saltatory development of Bulgarian history, 2) the destructive impact of Byzantinism on the political, religious and cultural life of medieval Bulgaria, as well as 3) the superficial character of the Bulgarian people’s religion – the effect of receiving foreign Christianity from the very same Byzantine hands. In this regard, Bogomilism appears to be an external doctrine, having incorporated older dualist ideas, which passed through Byzantium and therefore also reflected the destructive Byzantinism to some extent. Mutafchiev’s original concept deviates from earlier views and testimonies, attesting to the excellency of both the essay itself and the historian’s overall vision of Bulgarian history.
PL
Obcy bogomilizm? Historiozoficzne wahania Petara MutafcziewaArtykuł jest poświęcony historycznemu esejowi Petyra Mutafcziewa pt. Pop Bogomił i święty Iwan Rylski. Duch negacji w naszej historii (Поп Богомил и Свети Иван Рилски. Духът на отрицанието в нашата история). Tekst wybitnego historyka napisany w 1934 roku został omówiony w kontekście całościowego historiograficznego dorobku autora oraz w świetle kulturowych poszukiwań bułgarskich intelektualistów okresu międzywojennego. Opracowanie przynosi nowe ustalenia dotyczące wpływów zewnętrznych na naukowe poglądy Mutafcziewa, przede wszystkim stosunek Benedetta Croce’go do absolutnego historyzmu. W tekście rozpatrzono również trzy główne koncepcje historiozoficzne bułgarskiego mediewisty: 1) skokowy rozwój bułgarskiej historii, 2) destrukcyjny wpływ bizantynizmu na życie polityczne, religijne i kulturowe średniowiecznej Bułgarii, a także 3) powierzchowny charakter ludowej wiary Bułgarów jako skutek przyjęcia obcego chrześcijaństwa z rąk bizantyjskich. Pod tym względem bogomilizm wydaje się być doktryną zewnętrzną, zawierającą starsze idee dualistyczne, które rozpowszechniały się w Bizancjum, a tym samym do pewnego stopnia odzwierciedlały destrukcyjny charakter bizantynizmu. Oryginalna koncepcja Mutafchieva odchodzi od utartych ścieżek przetartych przez wcześniejszych badaczy, a tym samym świadczy o doskonałości zarówno samego eseju, jak i ogólnej wizji historii Bułgarii prezentowanej przez historyka.
The article examines the debate as to the direct influence of Bulgarian and Byzantine Bogomilism upon the doctrine of the Bosnian Church. The author traces some scholarly views pro et contra the presence, in the Bosnian-Slavic sources, of traces of neo-Manichean views on the Church, the Patristic tradition, and the sacraments. In analyzing two marginal glosses in the so-called Srećković Gospel in the context of some anti-Bogomil Slavic and Byzantine texts, the article attempts to establish the importance of Bulgarian and Byzantine Bogomilism for the formation of certain dogmatic and ecclesiological views in the doctrine of the Bosnian Church: the negative attitude towards the orthodox Churches, especially the Roman Catholic Church; the rejection of the sacrament of baptism and of St. John the Baptist; the rejection of the sacrament of confession, and hence, of the Eucharist. These doctrinal particularities of the Bosnian Church warrant the assertion that its teachings and liturgical practice differed significantly from the dogmatics and practice of the orthodox Churches. Without being a copy of the Bogomil communities, the Bosnian Church was certainly heretical, and neo-Manichean influences from the Eastern Balkans were an integral element of the Bosnian Christians’ faith.
The study is an attempt at a comparative analysis of two pseudo-canonical texts: the Slavic Homily of John Chrysostom on How Michael Vanquished Satanael (in two versions) and the Greek Λόγος τοῠ ἀρχηστρατήγου Μιχαήλ, ὃταν ἐπῆρεν τήν στολήν (BHG 1288n). Both texts, very close to each other in terms of the plot, relate an ancient angelomachia between a heavenly emissary and a demiurge expelled from the angelic hierarchy. When examined against the background of dualistic heterodox doctrines on the one hand, and compared to other medieval cultural texts (be they liturgical, iconographical or folkloric) on the other, these works enable insight into how heterodox and pseudo-canonical texts functioned and were disseminated in the medieval Byzantine-Slavic cultural sphere. The Slavic Homily… is not genetically related to its Greek counterpart, which is only preserved in a lat, 16th century copy. Rather, it was composed before the 13th century on the basis of another, non-extant model with a content similar to the pseudo-canonical Greek Homily… It is probable to a certain degree that the emergence of the Slavic work is connected with the growing interest in the cult of Archangel Michael in the First Bulgarian Empire, especially in the Diocese of Ohrid. Certain Gnostic ideas related to dualistic cosmology, as well as cosmogony, angelology and anthropology spread from the Judeo-Christian world to Byzantine literature and culture. Having undergone a number of transformations in the neo-Manichean communities of the Byzantine Empire and Bulgaria, they formed the basis for medieval dualistic cosmogony, as well as angelology and anthropology. Circulated both orally and in written form, beliefs concerning the invisible God, Archangel Michael as a ‘second God’ and the soul’s journey to Paradise became so widespread that they are not only found in heretic texts, but also cited almost verbatim in anti-heretic treatises. The content and later textual modifications of the Slavic Homily… cast a doubt on the hypothesis concerning its Bogomil origin. Furthermore, it cannot be determined to what extent works such as the Homily… were made use of by (moderate?) Bogomil communities. Even before the 14th century, the text underwent the processes of liturgization and folklorization, as proven by the presence of liturgical quotations (absent from the Greek text), the visualization of the story in sacred space as well as the aetiological legends about Archangel Michael’s fight against the Devil. The existence of ancient Gnostic ideas in the beliefs propagated by neo-Manichean Balkan heretic teachings, as well as their widespread presence in “high” and “low” texts originating in medieval communities call for a more cautious evaluation of the mutual antagonisms between them. This raises the problem of a wider look at medieval culture, in fact a syncretic phenomenon, where the distinction between the canonical, the pseudo-canonical, the heretic and the folkloric is not always clear-cut.
The Letter of patriarch Theophylact to tsar Peter is the oldest, but seemingly not the most informative Greek source for the history of Bogomilism. It is in essence a standard document, a typical product of the patriarch’s chancery; it is not conceived as an in-depth investigation into the theological minutiae pertaining to the cosmogony, dogmas and social doctrines of the heretics and the orthodox Church, but rather as a practical tutorial on how to thwart any given neo-Manichaean dualist heresy. It brings to light the fact that Bogomilism, the ‘new’ heresy was treated as an ‘old’ one – as a ‘reactivation’ of earlier gnostic-dualist and neo-Manichaean movements. The letter also features a peculiar innovative feature, though not one directly related to the Bogomil heresy itself: the degree of commitment to preaching the dogmas of the heresy is used for differentiating the situation of the followers. The analysis of the Letter of patriarch Theophylact to tsar Peter raises the more general issue concerning the detailed study of Byzantine and Slavic liturgical texts as a source of information on neo-Manichaean doctrines.