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1

Evaluation of Scientific Outputs with a Focus at Mass Communication – A Case Study from Slovakia

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Školkay A.

Studia Medioznawcze

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2024

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nr 2

91-101

EN

The analytical-polemical extended book review loosely follows the earlier polemic initiated in the Czech journal Filosofi cký časopis and complements the descriptive contribution published in the Slovak journal Otázky žurnalistiky. In this way the issue of evaluating scientific outputs is being transferred in the form of a pars pro toto analysis to the field of journalism and mass media research, or mass communication. The main issues of the original discussion, which is relevant globally, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, were: who is responsible for (in many cases) the problematic current state of sciences, in particular, social sciences, and how should we evaluate (and categorise) the outputs of scientists. This contribution argues that the root of the problem is not neo-liberalism (or, for that matter, its twin – capitalism), but the often dysfunctional and, in many cases, largely formal system of (self-)evaluation of scientific outputs. Therefore, the solution lies in carrying out any chosen method of evaluating scientific outputs in a meaningful way. This also means application of a combination of assessment of academic outputs (i.e. use at least two of many appropriate assessment approaches simultaneously). Using the example of output from the field of mass media or mass communication, it is shown that only quantitative reporting of academic outputs (‘metrics’) is not sufficient. Moreover, only in the qualitative evaluation there is present the criterion of the usefulness of scientific outputs for society that should be taken into account. At the same time, in this way the statistical method of reporting scientific activity retrospectively is verified. In the end, this combined approach will also answer whether it makes sense for the society to finance any research or publication activity down to the level of a particular researcher. In this context, the contribution points to the problematic scientific and pedagogical value, and generally low social value, of a specific output in the field of the philosophy of communication, claimed to be a ‘scientific monograph’ originally intended as a theoretical guide for scientific research in the given area.

2

What does the murder of a journalist, and follow-up events, tell us about freedom of the press and politics in a European country?

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Školkay A.

Central European Journal of Communication

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2019

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tom 12

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nr 1(22)

25-43

EN

In February 2018, Slovakia’s long history of the absence of journalist murder cases ended, when a young investigative journalist, Ján Kuciak, and his fiancée were murdered in their home. While previous cases of the disappearance of journalists cannot be totally dissociated from the possibilities of murder, a lack of evidence qualified this case as the first. The cascade of events which followed further emphasise its importance. Prime Minister Robert Fico was forced to resign. Resignations of the Minister of Culture, almost immediately, and two Ministers of the Interior followed. Subsequently, the third nominee for the position of Minister of the Interior was not approved by the President. These events were largely influenced by the media and public protests on the streets - some demonstrations were larger than those conducted during anti-communist protests in late 1989. Consequently, the role of the media as the key political actor following the murder of the journalist, represents an ideal model for analysing the influence of media in political and societal change.

3

Collusion between politicians and journalists in the context of wiretapping of journalists

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Školkay A.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2016

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nr 2

107-124

EN

This case study reports about the collusion scandal behind the widespread wiretapping operations of various journalists. The report, however, focuses mainly on one part of the affair, namely the clear collusion between a journalist from the daily Pravda, and a top politician – a Member of Parliament, whose conversations were also recorded. MP Robert Kaliňák was apparently trying to persuade the reporter Vanda Vavrová to publish discrediting material about his political rival. The study thus largely examines the media’s role in politics and ethical issues resulting from trespass of the journalistic agency for objective and impartial reporting. Moreover, initial coverage of this affair by the selected media is analysed throughout the study to pinpoint the role of Slovak journalists/media while facing the controversial behaviour of one of their peers. It was found that the media actually underplayed the collusion story and focused their attention mostly on the wiretapping affair, strongly condemning the actions by the state authorities. Ironically, a few years later it was proved that the wiretapping of journalists (in contrast to other persons and institutions) was both legal and justified. Moreover, the media ignored the possible political and criminal corruption issues behind the double scandal.

4

A Case-Specific Instance of Media Capture: the Gorilla Case of Slovakia

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Školkay A.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2018

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nr 4

65-94

EN

This article discusses an instance of case-specific self-inflicted partial media capture, acknowledging the chilling effect of legislation consistent with partial state capture. In general, this case illustrates the ethical and legal dilemmas in the reporting of a specific type of large-scale corruption in the media, which involves the denial of all accusations by most sources and a controversial stand by state authorities and politicians on the issue, forcing the media to primarily report rumors or contradictory claims and denials (after controversial files regarding the corruption were made public anonymously on the internet) or desist from reporting altogether (before the files were made public on the internet, due to possible libel threats). The findings question the normative expectations expressed in democratic theory related to the role of the media as a watchdog, in the specific context of large-scale corruption in post-communist states. Moreover, this paper suggests the need to re-examine the methodological aspects of quantitative content analysis of media coverage of corruption. This paper has also attempted to update the emerging theory on media capture with the term partial case-specific media capture.

5

Húsková Eva, Súčasné trendy šírenia dezinformácií, Slovenský inštitút pre bezpečnostnú politiku a Inštitút strategických politík, Bratislava 2020, 28 p.

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Školkay A.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2023

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nr 2

237-242

6

Media coverage of corruption: the role of inter-media agenda setting in the context of media reporting on scandals

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Školkay A. , Ištoková A.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2016

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nr 2

125-140

EN

The study focuses on two Slovak corruption cases, both well-documented and of similar social relevance, of which one did not receive any cross-media coverage. Moreover, the case of large-scale bribery was rather under-hyped in comparison to other major corruption scandals occurring in the country. The case of cronyism formed a typical example of extremely poor inter-media coverage of highly unfair and politicised cronyism. Through these cases, especially in the one in which the media failed to stimulate the creation of a full-blown scandal, the study further analyses the criteria and circumstances that determine the worthiness of a case for wide media coverage. The study on Slovakia is framed within theories of scandalous reporting and the theory of agenda setting and inter-media agenda setting role of the media, and supported by quantitative analysis of actual media coverage of the bribery case.

7

Populist Political Movement Sme rodina – Boris Kollár (We Are a Family – Boris Kollár)

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Školkay A. , Žúborová V.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2019

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nr 4

5-26

PL

Artykuł opisuje badanie wyjaśniające dotyczące populistycznego ruchu politycznego Sme rodina – Borisa Kollára (Jesteśmy Rodziną – Boris Kollár, od listopada 2019 wyłącznie Sme rodina). W pierwszej kolejności artykuł umieszcza ruch w generalnej koncepcji sui generis rodziny partii politycznych (partia niszowa), w przeciwieństwie do niektórych klasyfikacji określających ruch jako przede wszystkim populistyczną partię protestu, koncentrującą się na niektórych kwestiach niszowych, a dopiero w drugiej kolejności jako partię przedsiębiorców. Artykuł odpowiada na pytanie dlaczego partia uważana jest za populistyczną przez licznych politycznych i niepolitycznych aktorów i analityków. Artykuł również sugeruje, że w rzeczywistości nie ma zakładanego bezpośredniego związku pomiędzy poparciem dla tej partii a pogorszeniem się poziomu życia, jak czasem jest to przedstawiane w dyskursie publicznym. Wręcz przeciwnie, artykuł sugeruje, że mogą występować silniejsze powiązania pomiędzy względnym ubóstwem, poczuciem opuszczenia przez polityczne elity/partie a niskim poziomem wykształcenia. Ponadto, istotną rolę odgrywa znajomość lidera partii (o statusie celebryty), który często pojawiał się i był opisywany przez media bulwarowe (tabloidy). Z tego powodu, wiele młodych kobiet oddało głos na tę partię. Partia zaczęła również podnosić kwestie postrzegane jako problematyczne, którymi poprzednie rządy i inne partie polityczne nie zajmowały się w ogóle lub w niewystarczającym stopniu (kwestie niszowe lub szczególnie istotne).

EN

This is an exploratory study of populist political movement Sme rodina – Boris Kollár (We Are a Family – Boris Kollár, since November 2019 only Sme rodina). The paper first locates this movement into a lose concept/sui generis family of political parties (the niche party), arguing in contrast to some typologies that this is primarily protest populist party presenting some niche issues, and only secondarily, an entrepreneurial party. The paper also answers the question why this party is considered as being populist by many political and non-political actors and analysts. The paper also suggests that there is actually non-existent, but assumed direct correlation between the support for this party and the decline in the standard of living, as sometimes presented in public discourse. In contrast, it is suggested here that there may be stronger links between relative poverty, feeling of being abandoned by political elites/parties, and low educational levels. Moreover, there played an important role previous knowledge (celebrity status) of the party leader who was often presented and discussed in tabloid media. For this reason, many young females voted for this party. The party also managed to raise a widely perceived problematic issue that was seen as not tackled sufficiently or at all by the previous governments and other competing political parties (the niche or salient issue).

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The Populist Leaders’ Affinity Towards Alternative Media on Facebook in Slovakia

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Školkay A. , Daniš I.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2022

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nr 2

63-82

PL

W ramach badania przeprowadzono analizę osobisto-ideologiczną przynależności ideowej wybranych populistycznych przywódców do alternatywnych mediów w oparciu o ich trwałe „polubienia” treści na Facebooku. Stwierdzono, że założenie, iż populistyczni przywódcy „lubią” (zarówno w przenośni, jak i dosłownie) alternatywne media, jest błędne. Boris Kollár, przewodniczący parlamentu i jeden z najaktywniejszych polityków na Facebooku, w ogóle nie używał przycisku „lubię to”, podczas gdy Igor Matovič, ówczesny premier Słowacji, wybrał i „polubił” niektóre strony, ale preferował wysokiej jakości liberalne media informacyjne głównego nurtu. Specyfika systemu wyborczego może pomóc wyjaśnić, dlaczego populistyczni politycy odgrywają kluczową rolę w reprezentowanych przez siebie ruchach i dlaczego media społecznościowe są dla nich tak pomocne w tym procesie.

EN

This study explored the personal-ideological affiliation of selected populist leaders to alternative media based on their permanent “liking” on Facebook. It was found that the assumption that populist leaders “like” (both figuratively and literally) alternative media is incorrect. Boris Kollár, Speaker of the Parliament and one of the most active politicians on Facebook, did not use the button “like” at all, while Igor Matovič, then the Prime Minister of Slovakia, selected and “liked” some pages, but he preferred quality mainstream liberal news media. The electoral system’s specifics may help explain why populist politicians play a key role in their movements and why social media are so helpful for them in this process.

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Theory, Methodology, and Background Information to the Four-Case Studies

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Školkay A. , Marincea A.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2022

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nr 2

101-123

PL

Artykuł przedstawia wprowadzenie do czterech studiów przypadku opublikowanych w tym tomie. Wyjaśnia szersze aspekty metodologii stosowanej w studiach przypadków czterech państw i leżącej u ich podstaw teorii. Opiera się na przekonaniu, że badania powinny być kontekstualizowane i oparte na dogłębnej wiedzy teoretycznej i empirycznej. Niniejszy wkład wyjaśnia zastosowaną metodologię, kryteria doboru próby oraz konceptualizację alternatywnych mediów oraz uzasadnia ukierunkowanie badań i ich znaczenie, zwłaszcza w perspektywie długoterminowej. Ponadto badanie umieszcza studia przypadków wybranych państw w szerszym porównawczym kontekście komunikacji międzynarodowej i politycznej, w szczególności w mediach społecznościowych. Ponadto wyjaśnia znaczenia i użycia przycisku „Lubię to” na Facebooku.

EN

This article presents a common introduction to the four case studies published in this volume. It explains some broader aspects of the methodology used in the four-country case studies and the underlying theory. It is based on the belief that research should be contextualised and founded on in-depth theoretical and empirical knowledge. This contribution explains the methodology used, the sample selection criteria, and the conceptualisation of the alternative media and justifies the focus of research and its importance, especially from a long-term perspective. Furthermore, the study puts the country case studies within a broader comparative international and political communication context, particularly social media. Moreover, there is an explanation of the importance and use of the “like” button on Facebook.

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The Affinity of the Former Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš Towards Alternative Media on Facebook

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Školkay A. , Laczko M. , Havlíček P. , Žúborová V.

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

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2022

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nr 2

43-62

PL

Odkryto tylko jedną preferencję wobec alternatywnych lub kontrowersyjnych źródeł, które Babiš określił jako stale lubiane źródła medialne na FB. Co zaskakujące, Babiš nawet nie „polubił” na stałe żadnego z tych mediów, które zakupił kilka lat wcześniej i przekazał zarządzanie nimi specjalnej fundacji, samemu zachowując się przy tym jak polityk. Babiš preferował wysokiej jakości czasopisma ekonomiczne i biznesowe. Spodobało mu się tylko jedno źródło mediów, które można uznać za media alternatywne – Internet TV XTV. Jednak nawet ta internetowa stacja telewizyjna nie może być postrzegana jako tradycyjne medium alternatywne/dezinformacyjne, ale raczej jako przypadek graniczny. Andrej Babiš polubił też na FB strony organizacji pozarządowych, instytucji kultury i inne, dość nietypowe aktywności o niepolitycznym charakterze.

EN

There was found just one preference for alternative or controversial sources that Babiš designated as permanently liked media sources on FB. Surprisingly, Babiš did not even “like” permanently any of those media that he purchased a few years earlier and put into the governance of a special foundation while acting like a politician. Babiš preferred quality economic business magazines and journals. He liked only one media source that could be considered alternative media – Internet TV XTV. However, not even this online TV can be seen as a traditional alternative/disinformation medium, but rather as a borderline case. Andrej Babiš on FB also liked pages of NGOs, cultural institutions, and some other rather unusual non-political activities.