Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Wiceprezes Rady Ministrów jako członek Rady Ministrów

100%

Juchniewicz J.

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2024

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nr 3(79)

11-20

PL

Wiceprezesi Rady Ministrów są fakultatywnymi członkami Rady Ministrów. Ich powołanie w skład rządu zależy od Prezesa Rady Ministrów, a także od uzgodnień koalicyjnych. Pod rządami Konstytucji z 1997 r. nie wypracowano jednolitego modelu powoływania wiceprezesów Rady Ministrów. Wiceprezesi nie posiadają żadnych samodzielnych kompetencji. Zgodnie z art. 6 ustawy o Radzie Ministrów wiceprezes RM może kierować pracami gabinetu w przypadku nieobecności lub czasowej niemożności wykonywania obowiązków przez premiera. Zadania i kompetencje wiceprezes wykonuje w powierzonym zakresie i w imieniu premiera. Natomiast w kontekście członkostwa w Radzie Ministrów ich pozycja jest równorzędna z pozycją pozostałych członków rządu, w analogicznym zakresie ciążą na nich obowiązki oraz mogą korzystać z praw.

EN

The Vice-Presidents are optional members of the Council of Ministers. Their appointment to the government depends on the Prime Minister and also on coalition arrangements. Under the 1997 Constitution, there was no uniform model for the appointment of deputy presidents of the Council of MinistersThe vice-presidents do not have any independent powers. Pursuant to Article 6 of the Act on the Council of Ministers, the Deputy Prime Minister may direct the work of the Cabinet in the event of the absence or temporary inability of the Prime Minister to perform his/her duties. The vice-president performs the tasks and competences within the scope entrusted to and on behalf of the Prime Minister. In the context of membership of the Council of Ministers, their position is equivalent to that of the other members of the government, and to an analogous extent they have duties and may exercise rights.

2

O potrzebie zreformowania mechanizmów odpowiedzialności za naruszenia Zasad Etyki Poselskiej

100%

Juchniewicz J.

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2022

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nr 1 (65)

45-55

PL

Wobec niskich standardów życia publicznego istnienie i działalność Komisji Etyki Poselskiej stanowią niezbędne aspekty polskiego parlamentaryzmu. Głównym, chociaż nie jedynym, zadaniem Komisji Etyki Poselskiej jest reagowanie na działania posłów naruszających przyjęte w 1997 r. Zasady Etyki Poselskiej. Po ponad dwudziestu latach doświadczeń Komisji można wskazać obszary, w których dostrzegalne są dysfunkcje np. skład komisji, mechanizm wymierzania i rodzaj wymierzanych kar. Dokonaną w 2018 r. zmianą regulaminu Sejmu, wprowadzono także nowy mechanizm egzekwowania wobec posłów odpowiedzialności za działania naruszające standardy etyczne mające miejsce podczas posiedzeń izby, jak i na terenie podlegającym Kancelarii Sejmu, co w praktyce pozwala mówić o dualizmie odpowiedzialności.

EN

Considering the poor standards of public life, the existence and functioning of the Deputies’ Ethics Committee constitute essential elements of the Polish parliamentarism. Although not the only one, the principal task of the Deputies’ Ethics Committee is to react to the actions of deputies that violate the rules of ethics of deputies adopted in 1997. After more than 20 years of the Committee’s operation, we can identify areas where there are noticeable dysfunctions, e.g. the composition of the Committee, the mechanism of imposing penalties and their type. With the 2018 amendment to the Standing Orders of the Sejm, a new mechanism was also introduced to hold deputies accountable for actions violating ethical standards occurring during sessions of the chamber as well as on the premises under the authority of the Chancellery of the Sejm, effectively allowing us to speak of a duality of accountability.

3

Objęcie urzędu przez Prezesa Rady Ministrów wybranego przez Sejm w trybie art. 154 ust. 3 Konstytucji RP

100%

Juchniewicz J.

Zeszyty Prawnicze BAS

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2024

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nr 1(81)

163-173

EN

The opinion presents the problem of the election of the Prime Minister in the modes provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The differences between the parliamentary-cabinet system adopted in Poland and the presidential system, shown at the outset, are intended to give an idea of the powers of the President and the Sejm in the aforementioned systems of government. The procedure for the creation of a new Council of Ministers is analyzed in detail, with the author drawing attention to the so-called reserve procedure provided for in Article 154 para. 3 of the Constitution. This regulation orders the President to appoint the Prime Minister elected by the Sejm and, upon his request, the other members of the government, and to take the oath of office from them, whereas, according to the author, the President’s refusal in this regard would constitute a violation of the Constitution meeting the conditions of a constitutional tort.

4

Kompetencyjny charakter art. 126 Konstytucji RP

63%

Juchniewicz J. , Dąbrowski M.

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2014

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nr 4(123)

65-84

EN

Article 126 of the Polish Constitution depicts the position of the President of the Republic. It is claimed that this provision does not provide for any competences of the Head of State. It only shows his or her functions and political role. The President exercises his or her powers by the competences specifi ed in other constitutional provisions and statutes. The authors of the article do not share that view. They contend that, in some circumstances, Article 126 of the Constitution can be a mere basis for President’s competences for which there are no other legal grounds. According to this, the Head of State is entitled to act authoritatively, especially to compel other authorities to do something or to refrain from doing something. The President has the right to take actions based on Article 126 of the Constitution in two situations: (1) when this is legitimated by constitutional tradition; (2) when this is legitimated by political necessity. Some duties and functions of the President have been formed outside the legal system. In a political system some actions of authorities are legitimated by practice, customs, habits, conventions and precedents. The state of political necessity is a situation of a very serious political or structural crisis of the State when there is no possibility to dissolve the problem by ordinary constitutional instruments. Constitutional provisions do not include any regulations which allow to obviate the threat. In such situation, the President as a guardian of sovereignty and security of the State is legitimated by Article 126 of the Constitution to take actions to defuse the crisis.

5

Status deputowanego do belgijskiego parlamentu

63%

Juchniewicz J. , Łachacz O.

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tom 23

388-406

EN

Belgian Parliament consists of House Representatives and Senate and the status of its members is similar to status of MP’s in most European countries. Some differences worth noting derive of organization of Belgian state, which is a federal country with strong national and ethnic elements. The mandate of MP’s is a free mandate. The members of both houses represent the whole Belgian Nation are not bound by any instructions coming from their electors. The most characteristic of status of Belgian MP’s is their appurtenance to language groups what influences their way of realizing the mandate. Apart of language issues, status of Belgian MP’s can be also characterized by material conditions of executing the mandate and scope of immunities, both material and formal ones.