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tom 132
PL
The Austrian Constitutional Diet at the time of the Spring of Nations and the Political  Hopes of Galician PolesThe greatest political achievement of the two Vienna revolutions – of March and May 1848 – was forcing emperor Ferdinand I to issue a proclamation calling to life the first National Diet in the history of Austria (Reichstag); the Diet’s main task was to draw up a constitution for the multi-national Habsburg monarchy. The emperor’s subjects received this decision with great satisfaction expecting that the new Parliament will lead to a fundamental restoration of Austria by transforming it from a police-absolutist state (which it had been until March 1848) into a liberal constitutional monarchy.For the Polish deputies from Galicia, similarly as for the representatives of other non-German nations inhabiting the Habsburg empire, the Austrian Constitutional Diet of the time of the Spring of Nations (which remained in session from July 1848 till March 1849) became the battleground for far-reaching, autonomous liberties, and even – as was demanded by the Polish deputies from Galicia – for becoming a separate state within a federalized Danubian monarchy. In accordance with the plan devised by Franciszek Smolka – a Polish deputy from Lubaczów, who had ultimately attained the post of president of this Diet, the thus politically „liberated” Galicia was to have played the role of a „nucleus of future Poland”.The Polish deputies from Galicia, the majority of whom represented the Polish nobility and intelligentsia, belonged to the most active participants of the Austrian Parliament. Apart from the above-mentioned Franciszek Smolka, it was Florian Ziemiałkowski, a deputy from Lvov, who displayed great talent, particularly as regards lobbying and backstage political bargaining. Another Polish deputy, Leszek Dunin-Borkowski became known in the parliamentary circles as an excellent speaker.Both Smolka and Ziemiałkowski belonged to a 30-strong Constitutional Commission which prepared the draft of the Austrian Constitution. And although the above draft had never become valid law, as the successor of Ferdinand I, Franz Josef I, dissolved the Diet and restored absolutist rule, nonetheless the Austrian Diet of 1848–1849 fulfilled an important role. For it formulated certain political principles which exerted a strong influence on subsequent legislation – particularly the one which originated in the fifties and sixties of the 19th century, when following a decade of neo-absolutism, Austria had once again returned to constitutional rule.
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tom 139
69-94
EN
The year 1912 – that is a time when dreams of regaining national sovereignty and launching new irredentist activities began to be reborn in the Polish society (in connection with the political turmoil in Europe auguring an imminent outbreak of the “great war”), was associated with a few important historical anniversaries, namely: the 300th anniversary of the death of Rev. Piotr Skarga, the 100th anniversary of the death of Hugo Kołłątaj, the 100th anniversary of the birth of Zygmunt Krasiński and Józef Ignacy Kraszewski, and finally the 100th anniversary of the expedition of Napoleon’s Great Army on Moscow; it was particularly the latter event that was being associated with the hopes of ‘resurrecting’ Poland within its pre-partition borders. The above-mentioned anniversaries created an excellent opportunity for the Poles to manifest – wherever possible – that is chiefly on the territory of autonomous Galicia and among the émigré circles – their patriotic feelings. For the individual political factions, these jubilee celebrations constituted an excellent pretext to intensify the struggle for the proverbial “rule of the souls”. In the year 1912 in Kraków it was primarily the memory of the author of Nie-Boska komedia and Irydion (23 February), and secondly (25–27 September) that of the author of the famous Kazania sejmowe /Diet Sermons/, that were being celebrated. The latter of the two celebrations had, above all, the character of a religious holiday. Whereas in connection with the homage paid to the memory of Zygmunt Krasiński, there appeared clear accents and allusions as well as ideologicalpolitical polemics, no scholar researching the post-partition history of the Poles can pass by with indifference. To put things in a nutshell, for the Kraków conservative-conciliatory circles which eagerly took over patronage over the organization of the celebrations associated with the 100th anniversary of the birth of the “third national poet-bard”, this holiday became an excellent opportunity to recall the warnings of the author of Nie-Boska komedia against the dire consequences of all socially radical ideologies (in the contemporary Galician realities, this meant above all, a warning against the socialists grouped around Ignacy Daszyński) and also against propagating the idea of “deed-work” rather than “deed-struggle” (as all irredentists who were then setting up unions and Polish Rifle Squads seemed to require).
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