Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

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Wiara w poszukiwaniu zrozumienia. Recenzja książki Luigiego Iammarronego Giovanni Duns Scoto metafisico e teologo Le tematiche fondamentali della sua filosofia e teologia Wyd. 1. — Roma: Miscellanea Francescana, 1999; wyd. 2. — Roma: Miscellanea Francescana, 2003

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Surzyn J.

Folia Philosophica

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2011

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tom 29

367-372

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Language of Being in Heidegger’s “Turn” (Kehre)

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Surzyn J.

Folia Philosophica

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2021

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tom 46

1-17

EN

In this article, I attempt to analyze some of the contexts of the language of being after Heidegger’s “turn” (Kehre), a clearly discernible change in his philosophy in the second half of the 1930s. Heidegger proposed a new concept to revealing being itself, namely its “event‑enowning” (Ereignis). The key to this understanding of being is that now language becomes “the house” of being. Heidegger combined this with the “joint” (fugue) function. Language as a fugue joins with being itself, and therefore constantly follows and touches upon the boundary of silence. Silence is the ultimate complement of language and constantly limits it, because what is said only reveals a part of being, while the rest remains hidden and “expresses” silence, as it is in the case of a fugue, where the main motif of the theme “escapes” into silence. In the text, I first consider the fugue of being, then the language of being as its expression, in order to consider the problem of saying further, and finally analyze the limit of language, i.e. the way to silence.

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Projekt wieczystego pokoju. Polityczne marzenie wielkiego filozofa

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Surzyn J.

Horyzonty Polityki

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2020

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tom 11

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nr 34

27-48

EN

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this paper is an analysis of Kant's project of perpetual peace in point of view his philosophical and political consequences. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHOD: The main problem undertaken in this text is to show the role of theoretical thinking (dreaming) and its political (real) implications. Immanuel Kant and his critical philosophy set a new path of philosophical reflection in modern times. In principle, philosophizing after Kant has been impossible without reference to his thought (whether in a positive or negative sense). Kant's achievements also included political reflection. An important place in this reflection it seems to be to define the general purpose of humanity, which, according to Kant, is the pursuit of eternal peace. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The article attempts to describe Kant's peaceful project from the perspective of the problem of its feasibility. This issue reveals the fundamental problem of reflection on politics, that is, relating theory to practice. RESEARCH RESULTS: Philosophy is purely intellectual speculation whose ideas relate to the practice of political life. In this context, one can consider whether the “dreams” of theoretician philosophers have any application in the practical (real) world. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The conclusions attempt to show the priority of theoretical reflection over the practical implementation of political concepts in social life. Kant as a philosopher shows that the ideas and various goals facing man and society make sense only as a priori postulates that become real goals to accomplish.

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CEL BADAWCZY: Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie projektu wiecznego pokoju Immanuela Kanta pod kątem jego filozoficznych i politycznych założeń. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Głównym problemem analizowa‑ nym w tym tekście jest ukazanie roli myślenia teoretycznego i jego politycznych implikacji. Filozofia krytyczna Kanta wyznaczyła nową drogę refleksji filozoficz‑ nej. Zasadniczo filozofowanie po Kancie okazało się niemożliwe bez odniesienia do jego myśli (czy to w sensie pozytywnym, czy też negatywnym). W ramach myśli filozofa pojawiła się także refleksja polityczna. Ważnym miejscem w tej refleksji wydaje się określenie ogólnego celu ludzkości, którym, według Kanta, jest dążenie do wiecznego pokoju. PROCES ARGUMENTACJI: Artykuł próbuje opisać projekt wiecznego pokoju Kanta z punktu widzenia problemu jego wykonalności. Ta kwestia ujawnia podstawowy problem refleksji nad polityką, czyli powiązania teorii z praktyką. WYNIKI BADAŃ: Filozofia jest czysto intelektualną spekulacją, której idee odnoszą się jednak do praktyki politycznej. W tym kontekście można zastano‑ wić się, czy „sny” filozofów-teoretyków mają zastosowanie w praktycznym (realnym) świecie. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE I ZALECENIA: We wnioskach próbuje się wy‑ kazać pierwszeństwo namysłu teoretycznego nad praktycznym wdrażaniem koncepcji politycznych w życiu społecznym. Kant – jako filozof – pokazuje, że idee i różne teoretycznie ustalone cele, które stanowią wyzwanie dla człowieka i społeczeństwa, mają sens jedynie jako postulaty a priori, a te dopiero wdrażane w praktyce stają się właściwymi celami do osiągnięcia.

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Ontologiczny dowód na istnienie Boga Immanuel Kant i Anzelm z Canterbury

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Surzyn J.

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2014

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tom 32

PL

The paper concerns Immanuel Kant’s view on ontological argument for the existence of God by Anselm of Canterbury. Arguing from his critical philosophy, Kant remains sceptical about the possibility of proving the very existence of God, which he takes as only the idea (ideal) of pure reason. Seen along such lines the concept of God cannot be verified in the matter of experience. Kant’s critique was based on refutation of speculative character of theological speculation related to the tradition of natural (rational) theology. From this point of view he takes it as impossible to derive a priori the real existence of subject merely on the basis of taking it as the greatest thing that can be conceived, that is the best thing that might exist. The idea of the highest being has in Kant merely intellectual status, that is, it has it source in (pure) reason only and in this sense its real existence cannot be subject of analysis (scrutiny). Interestingly, what Kant has in mind in his critique of ontological argument (besides other arguments) is Descartes’ argument which is to an important degree different from the one by Anselm. In this paper similarities and differences between Kant’s refutation and Anselm’s support of the ontological argument are discussed.

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Holokaust jako ludobójstwo wyjątkowe

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Surzyn J.

Narracje o Zagładzie

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2020

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nr 6

61-79

EN

The article is dedicated to an analysis of the Holocaust uniqueness against the backdrop of other genocides. Most of all, the text follows the clues from Berel Lang, who interpretsthe Nazi Crime as a perfect genocide, that is, such a genocide that implemented its ideological assumptions fully for the first time in human history. What transpired then was in fact a comprehensive synthesis of “idea” and “actions.” Therefore, the relation between the Holocaust and other genocides turns out to be one-sided: the Holocaust is a genocide but no other genocide is the Holocaust. The category of genocide was, first of all, introduced into international circulation by a Polish lawyer of Jewish origin Rafał Lemkin during the final decade before the outbreak of World War Two. Genocide has become an almost universally acknowledged term, reinforced by the UN declaration of 1947. Mass crimes occurred in human history since the time immemorial. However, their character fundamentally changed with the advent of modernity, when powerful nation states within the framework of ideological postulates managed to give a new dimension to their politics, the one including actions meted out against entire communities: ethnic groups or nations. The Nazi crime of the Holocaust seems to be a unique exemplification of “modernity” (the term introduced in this sense by Zygmunt Bauman), that is, the combination of technicalisation and mass production with strong bureaucratic structure, which resulted in an unimaginable deed of murdering millions of Jews while utilising technical methods. The killing took a form of “production tasks,” which made the moral problems of responsibility and guilt appear in a different light. In the article an attempt is made to show implications stemming from the acceptance of the Holocaust’s uniqueness as “a perfect genocide,” both in its political and social as well as philosophical and moral dimensions.

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Tyrant and His Power According to John of Salisbury

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Surzyn J.

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nr 33

PL

CEL NAUKOWY: Celem tego artykułu jest próba zdefiniowania tyranii w koncepcji średniowiecznego filozofa Jana z Salisbury. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Jan z Salisbury jest jednym z najciekawszych myślicieli politycznych średniowiecza. Jego praca zatytułowana „Policraticus” stała się jednym z najważniejszych tekstów politycznych średniowiecza, który analizuje między innymi problem władzy, rozdział władzy świeckiej i duchowej, problem relacji władcy z poddanymi, a także kwestię obywatelskiego posłuszeństwa i przekształcenia legalnej władzy ww władzę bezprawną. Autor stara się ukazać mechanizmy prowadzące do władzy tyrańskiej. PROCES WYWODU: Tekst analizuje wszelkie aspekty władzy tyrańskiej, przyrównując ją do władzy prawowitego księcia. Tyran zostaje ukazany na tle założeń teologicznych i politycznych, także w kontekście sprawiedliwości społecznej i praw obywateli. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Władza tyrańska jest ze swej istoty zła i nie prowadzi do harmonii i spokoju społecznego. Tyran jest uzurpatorem, a jego postępowanie niemoralne i bezprawne. Jako niesprawiedliwy władzca tyran występuje przeciwko porządkowi Boskiemu i musi liczyć się z nieuchronnością kary. Zarazem owa kara dla tyrana wpisuje się w kontekst moralno-teologiczny, to znaczy jest karą, którą wyznacza Bóg. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Ustalenia Jana z Salisbury wydają się aktualne, ponieważ wpisują się w odwieczny problem zależności władzy od moralności, a także skłonności do nadużywania władzy wobec poddanych.

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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this article is to attempt to define tyranny in the concept of the medieval philosopher John of Salisbury. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Salisbury is one of the most interesting political thinkers of the Middle Ages. His book entitled “Policraticus” became one of the most important political texts of the Middle Ages, which analyzes, among others, the problem of political authority, the separation of secular and spiritual powers, the problem of the relationship of the ruler with his subjects, as well as the issue of civil obedience and the transformation of legal power into unlawful power. The author tries to show the mechanisms leading to tyrannical power. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The text analyzes all aspects of the tyrannical political power, comparing it to that of a legitimate prince. The tyrant is shown against the background of theological and political assumptions, also in the context of social justice and citizens' rights. RESEARCH RESULTS: The tyrannical authority is, by its very nature, wrong and does not lead to social harmony and peace. The tyrant is an usurper and his power is immoral and unlawful. As an unjust ruler, the tyrant stands against the divine order and must take into account the inevitability of punishment. At the same time, this punishment for a tyrant falls within the moral and theological contexts, that is, it is a punishment which God sets. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS: Salisbury' thought seems to be valid because it is a part of the eternal problem of the dependence of political authority on morality, as well as the tendency to abuse political power over subjects.