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„W czym vertitur powaga moja hetmańska…” Organizacja i procedura sądu hetmańskiego w Koronie w latach 1683-1699

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Sowa J.

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2013

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tom 65

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nr 1

203-228

EN

This paper describes the sand procedure of the Hetman’s Court in the Crown Army at the time of the Great Turkish War (1683-1699). The Court has not been the subject of a separate study since the 1920s, whereas older studies relied on a very meagre source base. Meanwhile, there were availble Hetman’s registers (copies of documents issued by Hetman’s chancellery) from the period when the offi ce was held by Stanisław Jan Jabłonowski, the Ruthenian Palatine and later Kraków Castellan. The registers, albeit incomplete (registers for 1683-1685, 1687-1689 and 1696 are missing), contain, inter alia, decrees issued by the Court Martial (i.e., the Hetman’s Court), which served as the basis for this discussion. The Great Crown Hetman, similarly to the connétable de France (until 1627), combined in his hand the authority of the Commander-in-Chief of the regular army and the administrative authority over it. One of the major aspects of the latter was administration of justice over soldiers. Originally, the hetman had exclusive jurisdiction in this respect but the demands of nobility who suffered from robberies by soldiers resulted in subjecting soldiers to the jurisdiction of ‘civil’ (i.e. non military) courts. In the late 17th century, one can speak of the practically overlapping jurisdiction of the Hetman’s Court, Crown Tribunal and fi scal organs with relation to so-called causae iniuriatorum (causes of the aggrieved: nobility vs. the army). The Great Crown Hetman did not have as extensive a judicial apparatus as some western European armies at that time. Most causes were adjudicated by Jabłonowski himself (possibly with the assistance of junior judges). The Court Martial had also its own instigator and ushers. The competences of military judges are not very clear. To perform certain evidentiary acts (such as inquisition – an equivalent of scrutinum conducted in district courts (sądy ziemskie) – a kind of on-site inspection combined with the hearing of witness testimony) the Hetman would delegate trusted offi cers or national enlistment comrades and, not infrequently, local ‘civil’ offi cers. The role of military police was doubtless performed by the Hetman’s company of Hungarian infantry. The procedure of the Hetman’s court was similar to that of a trial before a district court. A military trial was in principle instituted by a complaint, it was adversarial and controlled by the parties. Proceedings were instituted by bringing a complaint to the military instigator who, in turn, petitioned the Hetman to issue a writ of summons. The penalty for a failure to appear on the fi rst date was contumacy (a fi ne – so-called niestanne). A writ of summons for the second date was announced publicly. The second term was a strict one – a failure to appear meant losing the case, having one’s pay distrained (this, by the way, was the most effective remedy) and – theoretically – being dishonourably discharged from the army (wytrąbienie). The most common evidence included inquisition, interrogation (involving torture in the case of people of non-noble descent) and an oath. The most important penalties imposed by the Court Martial included the penalty of the throat (death penalty – imposed very rarely, it practically was not executed in the case of noblemen), imprisonment in a tower and fi nally damages, which had the greatest practical value.

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Do Algorithms Dream of Social Strike? Review of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s Assembly

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Sowa J.

Praktyka Teoretyczna

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2018

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tom 27

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nr 1

269-285

EN

The essay is a review of Michael Hardt’s and Antonio Negri’s Assembly and it aims at a critical evaluation of its empirical relevance and political usefulness. It focuses on two issues. The first one is general and as such relates to the global context of struggles against capital: the notion of social factory and its implications for political action. The essay argues that the concept of social factory grasped an important development within twentieth century capitalism. It is, however, becoming more and more irrelevant as living labour is being systematically replaced by automation. Unlike the social media or other similar forms of “digital capitalism” analysed in Assembly, a very large part of automation does not depend on any kind of continuous, multitudinous human input. It rather aims at uploading the general intellect into the system of autonomous machines, making them independent from the human element. The second issue this essay examines is the recent populist-conservative turn and the situation of peripheral countries that had no part in the recent progressive cycle of struggles (Arab Spring, Occupy, Indignados). The essay points to a bias in the post-Operaist project – its focus on particular geographical and socio-cultural areas – that ignores the different social and political situations of some peripheral countries, especially those of Central-Eastern Europe.

3

An Unexpected Twist of Ideology. Neoliberalism and the Collapse of the Soviet Bloc

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Sowa J.

Praktyka Teoretyczna

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2012

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tom 5

153-180

PL

Artykuł podejmuje proces neoliberalnej transformacji Bloku Radzieckiegoz późnych lat osiemdziesiątych i wczesnych dziewięćdziesiątych analizując go naprzykładzie Polski. Jego trajektoria ogólnie potwierdza tezę z artykułu Trzy krokiw stronę antropologii faktycznie istniejącego neoliberalizmu postawioną przez LoïcaWacquanta. Twierdzi on, że neoliberalizm zmierza raczej do przechwycenia i użycia niż prostego demontażu czy osłabienia struktur państwowych i mechanizmówwładzy. Autor pokazuje również, że przejściu od gospodarki planowanej do rynkowejw dawnym Bloku Radzieckim towarzyszyły (a w dużym stopniu w ogóle czyniłyje możliwym) potężne działania ideologiczne, które przekształciły konstrukcje podmiotowościoraz sprawiły, że stała się kompatybilna z neoliberalnym kapitalizmem.Dowodzi to, że dwa tryby analizowania neoliberalizmu - strukturalna analiza władzypaństwowej oraz skupienie na urządzaniu - powinny być traktowane jako komplementarnenarzędzia służące rozumieniu neoliberalnych transformacji. Jednakże,przeciwnie do Wacquanta, autor twierdzi, że pod tym względem nie ma nic nowegow neoliberalizmie jako praktyce, gdyż dla utrzymywania pozornej autonomii władzyrynku kapitalizm od zawsze wymagał pomocy ze strony państwa.

EN

The article addresses the process of neoliberal transformation of the Soviet Bloc in the late 1980-ties and early 1990-ties as analyzed on the example of Poland. Its trajectory generally confirms Loïc Wacquant’s thesis put forward in his article Three steps to a historical anthropology of actually existingneoliberalism, that neoliberalism tends to rather capture and use than simply dismantle and weaken state structures and power mechanisms. The author shows that the transition from planned to market economy in the former Soviet Bloc was also accompanied, backed and made possible by powerfulideological operations that reshaped the construction of subjectivity and made it compatible with the neoliberal capitalism. This proves that two modes of analyzing neoliberalism – structural analysis of state power and focus on governmentality – should be treated as complimentary tools of understanding neoliberal transitions. However, contrary to Wacquant, the author claims that in this respect there is nothing new about neoliberalism as a practice, since capitalism has always required a help from the state to maintain a seemingly autonomous rule of the market.

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The Essentialist Masturbation: Can the Global East Get any Satisfaction?

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Sowa J.

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tom 38

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nr 4

181-189

EN

While agreeing with Martin Müller’s intent of filling the gap in contemporary social sciences that the lack of interest in the Global East constitutes, the article engages in polemics withsolution postulated by Müller. The Author argues for a conceptualization of the Global East that would not be based on its essence, but rather on its place in the global division of labor. The “strategic essentialism” postulated by Müller is refuted for three reasons: a reactionary character of identity politics as such, its capture by the Right and doubtful value of socio-cultural identity of most societies of Global East. Instead an alter-universalism is proposed that would be different from the colonial universalism of the West and focused on constructing a common front of progressive--emancipatory struggles.

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Kapitalizm. Historia krótkiego trwania – Dziewiętnaście Long Reads o „Tysiącu lat niewolnictwa”

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Sowa J.

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nr 4

362-386

PL

Niniejszy tekst stanowi krytyczny esej poświęcony książce Kacpra Pobłockiego Kapitalizm. Historia krótkiego trwania. Zawiera on szereg luźno powiązanych uwag dotyczących kwestii założeń metodologicznych, wartości eksploatacyjnej, aktualności i nowatorskości, a także społecznego funkcjonowania książki Pobłockiego. Spośród poruszanych tu problemów trzy mają dominujący charakter: metodologiczny problem wyjaśnienia początków kapitalizmu oraz społecznego znaczenia systemu (debata między marksizmem a teorią zależności); omówienie historycznych przykładów niekapitalistycznych systemów społecznych; problem teleologii historii w wyjaśnieniach historycznych oraz jego ukryta obecność w terminologii sugerującej liniowy rozwój historii ludzkości.

6

Three questions on autonomy and labour theory of value.

88%

Sowa J.

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nr 2

151-154

PL

Three questions on autonomy and labour theory of value.

7

Płynne formy celebracji: Festiwale a polskie pole literackie

63%

Jankowicz G. , Sowa J.

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2017

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nr 6

EN

Liquid forms of celebration: Festivals and the Polish literary fieldThe text aims to analyze the position of literary festivals within the Polish literary field. The process described is dynamic in character (the position of particular festivals changes over time). The authors attempt to grasp this dynamic, including its determining factors and the transformations it introduces in the literary field. The methodological framework of the article is provided by the category of theory of fields, developed by Pierre Bourdieu. Płynne formy celebracji: Festiwale a polskie pole literackieTekst ma na celu analizę pozycji, jaką festiwale poświęcone literaturze zajmują w obrębie polskiego pola literackiego. Pole to ma charakter dynamiczny (pozycja poszczególnych festiwali zmienia się wraz z upływem czasu). Autorzy starają się uchwycić ową dynamikę, zrozumieć determinujące ją czynniki, a także związane z tym przemiany w obrębie pola literackiego. Ramę metodologiczną tekstu stanowi kategoria teorii pól wypracowana przez Pierre’a Bourdieu.

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Zamiast wstępu. Literatura polska po 1989 roku w świetle teorii Pierre’a Bourdieu

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Jankowicz G. , Marecki P. , Palęcka A. , Sowa J. , Warczok T.

Praktyka Teoretyczna

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2014

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tom 11

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nr 1

8-21