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The seals of Sasanian highest military officials, the spahbedan which contain depiction of armoured rider create consistent iconographic group. It is possible however to distinguish five sub-groups within it, which in turn might serve as supplementary argument for their chronology or might suggest differentiation of the role of the office in time. The iconography of the spahbedan is related to 3-5th century, Roman models of imperial adventus which seems adequate for high ranking officers who needed iconographic layout emphasizing power however not entering royal prerogative. Iconography of the sovereigns of the neighboring power suited that goal well. Stylization of the arms and armour depicted on the spahbedan seals and small size of the objects do not allow firm identification of the types however it is clear that the more realistic tendency in depicting armament, typical for Late Sasanian period and contrasting with stylized and symbolic functions of earlier official art, prevailed.
EN
Recently published silver plate from al-Sabah Collection, of unknown provenance, has been firmly attributed as Sasanian. In fact, technically, it is related to the Sasanian silverwork however aesthetic examination allows to raise the doubts whether it is genuine. The plate must be compared not only with central-Sasanian artworks but all ancient ‘Oriental silver’, including pieces attributed as Hephtalite or Sogdian. The design of the plate does not have any relation with any of the known examples of late antique oriental toreutics. Central scene of heroic combat with powerful beast or beasts has never been surrounded with the ring containing other hunting scenes is unknown as well. The disbalanced decorum is even more clear when we remind that the central scene shows hunting on foot and the marginal ones – mounted. The details of fixed aesthetic elements – position of personages, beasts, weapons do not belong to Sasanian canon. The unique nature of the plate might result from many factors but the combination of unknown provenance and lack of relation to legitimate Sasanian canon require utmost cautiousness towards the object.
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The rock relief discovered in Rag-e Bibi in Northern Afghanistan in 2002 remains an archaeological sensation. The archery equipment depicted there has not yet been studied. The article describes the bow cases combined with quivers and associates them with the same type of kit popular in Eurasia related with spread of the recurved bows with stiff bone or horn extensions of Xiong Nu/Hunnic type. This type of bows replaced shorter 'Scythian' type of bows in 1st-2nd century CE. The integrated bow case and quiver went out of use soon before the rise of the Sasanians therefore Rag-e Bibi cannot be linked with this dynastic art, based also on the depicted elements of material culture, as well as on stylistic grounds.
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This article presents the iconographic concept of the bow as an insignia in ancient Iran of the imperial era. The primary source of the bow’s association with the depiction of royal power is Mesopotamian iconography, where the bow is shown in the hands of kings without any connection to the act of shooting itself. The model of depicting a ruler with a bow resting on his foot, developed in the Neo-Assyrian period, was entirely adopted by imperial Achaemenid iconography. Another aspect expressing the association of the bow with royal power is the habit of depicting, in the Mesopotamian tradition, shooting kings without quivers. Iranian art of the Parthian and Sasanid periods, on the other hand, adopted the quiver as a sign of status from the nomadic steppe tradition, but one can nevertheless see in Sasanid iconography relics of the functioning of the bow as an insignia in the Mesopotamian sense.
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Content available The Himyarite “knight” and Partho-Sasanian art
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The Himyarite slab from Zafar contains several distinctive features shared with some Parthian and Sasanian art pieces, but its relation with Naqš-e Rostam friezes proposed by Yule and Robin does not seem convincing. 1. It shows a rider clad in long scale armor analogically to a terracotta tile from the British Museum (fig. 9); 2. There is an infantry attendant with an axe depicted over the mount’s rump similarly to the Tang-e Sarvak frieze, where there are two foot warriors and a battle axe too (fig. 7); The horse position on Tang-e Sarvak is either standing or rearing as on discussed relief. 3. Round shield and raised right hand with a lance as on Ṭāq-e Bostān relief (fig. 12). 4. The layout of the original piece must have therefore been squarish rather than horizontally extended, with the opponent of the main figure marginalized. Therefore Himyarite artisans either followed unknown or not preserved Iranian iconographic pattern or combined the features of different canons. Yule and Robin have pointed out that simple snaffle was depicted in place of elaborate and decorative Sasanian bridle, an element usually pronounced in Sasanian art but not always clearly marked in Parthian iconography, especially in smaller objects. It cannot be however excluded that the slab rather follows a Roman tradition captured in local taste.
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2018
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nr 7
99-110
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The description of the Persian Riders in Aethiopica of Heliodorus is often regarded a reliable source to reconstruct the tactics and armament of Iranian heavy cavalry of the Sasanian period, sometimes even spread to its Roman equivalents. The conventional nature of entire text is somehow disregarded in this particular point which is not less conventional than all other depictions of the novel. The description uses fixed phrases designed to flatter the erudite reader, not to describe actual combat troops of Achaemenid era disguised in fourth century attire. The Heliodorus’ description must be treated with utmost carefulness and can be a tertiary source for reconstruction of the Sasanian heavy horse, at best.
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The article discusses the military confrontation between Neo-Assyrian kingdom and the Median polities in the 7th century BCE. At the beginning the outline of the history of wars between the Medes and Assyria from the 9th century onwards is presented which is followed by the brief description of the Assyrian forces of the era and detailed examination of the events until the fall of the Neo-Assyrian empire. In conclusions an attempt to reconstruct possible principles of the Median warfare was made.
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Tomb of Māhūr is located at a village called Mahur Berenji, district of Sardasht a part of Dezfūl, Khuzestan province, Southern Iran. This tomb has been discovered by Karamian and Astraki in 2018. There is a four-legged cross symbol in the above part of the tomb entrance.
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