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EN
The article focuses on the problem of factionalism within the Japanese Liberal- Democratic Party. LDP has been called “an alliance of factions” since its establishment in 1955. The faction leaders ceaselessly competed for power by recruiting new members and helping them in their political careers. This system required large amounts of money delivered by big companies, hence it generated structural corruption, and was widely criticized by the Japanese public opinion. The main objective of the article is to explain how the discourse on the dissolution of LDP factions was used in the past in the interests of particular politicians, and what changed after the electoral system reform in 1994. The author argues that although there was a strong tendency, especially among the party leaders, to strive for the eradication of factionalism, this goal could not be achieved under the system of middle-sized constituencies. The new electoral system established in 1994, enabled more profound reforms, carried out by Koizumi Jun’ichirō, but it is still uncertain whether the dissolution of factions is really in the interest of LDP.
EN
The paper analyses three concepts of foreign policy that illustrate Japan’s growing interest in active participation in regional and global affairs: Abe Shintarō’s “creative diplomacy”, Asō Tarō’s “value-based diplomacy” and Abe Shinzō’s “proactive pacifism”. The aim of the article is to examine how the Japanese government shaped increasingly assertive foreign policy concepts in response to the evolving international environment. Alongside external determinants, domestic factors are also reviewed, including decision-making processes in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the personal beliefs of statespersons.
EN
The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) achieved a landslide victory in the parliamentary elections of 2009. When the government of Hatoyama Yukio was formed in September 2009, it enjoyed the confidence of the majority of Japanese society. Nevertheless, this euphoria quickly turned into disappointment, and Hatoyama had to resign after only eight months in office. This article tries to explain the reasons of Hatoyama’s failure. The DPJ promised to conduct a thorough reform of the Japanese political and economic system by eliminating the Liberal Democratic Party’s (LDP) style of policymaking. It turned out, however, that some old practices were common also to the new ruling party. The DPJ had announced that it would break the ties between the politicians and the world of bureaucrats and businessmen. Prime Minister Hatoyama managed to weaken the influence of the bureaucrats on the decision-making process, but his party proved untrustworthy in the fight against corruption practices. Illegal donations to General Secretary of DPJ Ozawa Ichirō and to Hatoyama himself contributed to a decrease in the support for the government. A direct cause of the prime minister’s resignation was his inability to renegotiate the Japan-U.S. agreement on the relocation of Futenma military base. Faced with strong opposition even within his own party, Hatoyama had to prematurely step down from office.
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2022
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nr 2(169)
181–195
EN
This article aims to examine to what extent the legislative process in the Japanese Diet has conformed to the majoritarian or the consensual model. The author pays attention to the constitutional determinants of the functioning of both houses of the parliament and the unwritten traditions stemming from the political culture. While such factors as the lack of the government’s direct control over the scheduling of parliamentary sessions, high autonomy of parliamentary committees, bicameralism, and limited length of parliamentary sessions compelled the ruling parties to seek consensus with the opposition, the government also possessed many instruments of imposing its will on lawmakers. This article analyses the institutional, cultural, and historical reasons for this complex situation, emphasising the evolution of the legislative practices depending on the balance of power in the Diet and the degree of governmental control over the ruling party.
EN
In the last decade of the 20th century in both Japan and China policy makers and intellectuals indicated the need for common Asian values. Taking a constructivist approach the paper attempts to analyze the preconditions of anti-Americanism thus shaping common identity. The major problem is discussed based on two books published in Japan by Ishihara Shintaro and in China by the group of journalists. Anti-American feelings first emerged in Japan in the late 1980s. In the book “The Japan That Can Say No” Ishihara criticized the excessive subordination of Japan to the United States. He proposed to implement a more assertive foreign policy, using the attributes of the Japanese economic power. At that time in China, in the first decade of era of reforms, “Western studies fever” dominated over traditional values. Nevertheless, due to an ideological vacuum after the Tian’anmen crackdown the Chinese government decided to fuel national sentiments. Partly as an outcome of this policy, a group of journalists published “China Can Say No”. The study is mainly based on a comparative approach that allowed to present conditions for rising anti-Americanism in both states, expose similarities and differences between the two approaches and frame possible consequences for international relationship.
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