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EN
The article aims to verify the popular thesis that capitalism inevitably leads to the democratic system. In author's opinion such an assumption is a part of the threatening postpolitical ideology. According to postpolitical ideology the decisions on the most important social problems shouldn't be a political issue, but the concern of experts and managers acting in the name of capitalist-liberal consensus. However, stresses the author, in the first part of the article, during two last centuries the cornerstones of democracy - that is: civic rights, gender equality, education for all, equal chances in the public sphere - weren't a 'gift' of the capitalist system but an effect of emancipatory efforts of different social groups. It is not the market but the public policy who is responsible for achieving the public welfare. In the second part of the article discusses the neoliberal ideology threats to democracy, that is: the apotheosis of consumption and the depreciation of the idea of the common good.
EN
The author of the article, writing about political events from 2011 that took place in the Far East, as well as in Europe (Madrid) and the United States of America (the Occupy Wall Street movement), questions the accuracy of liberal perspectives of the process of democratisation, and, at the same time, arguments in favour of the universality of demands (“the centre” and “the periphery”), a hypothesis saying that traditional divisions into, for example, a left, right and central wing, vanish in today’s (post)political reality. The article is an attempt to capture a multi-dimensional aspect of the Arab Spring, and place it in a wider context of global democratic changes. The author introduces a collective and communist point of view in a sense postulated by Hardt and Negri. In his analysis of ultra-democratic practices of folk meetings, he uses Jacques Lacan’s concept of voice as a partial object. On the basis of this concept, a key distinction between the people and the multitude as the subjects of two extremely different political systems is made. The author encourages us to take an attempt at a political application of Lacanian psychoanalysis, which would allow for capturing multitude as the subject remaining beyond castration, namely the subject that is, though, capable of being embraced by a psychoanalytical language.
FR
L’auteur de l’article, en décrivant les événements politiques de l’an 2011, qui ont eu lieu au Proche-Orient, et aussi en Europe (Madrid) et aux États-Unis (le mouvement Occupy Wall Street), remet en cause la justesse des approches libérales du processus de démocratisation et, en même temps, plaide en faveur de l’universalité des revendications (« centre » et « périphérie »), et de la thèse sur la disparition des divisions traditionnelles, par exemple la droite, la gauche et le centre, de la réalité (post)politique actuelle. L’article est une tentative de saisir l’aspect multiple du « Printemps arabe » et de le placer dans un contexte plus large des transformations démocratiques au caractère global. L’auteur introduit le point de vue collectif et communiste, dans le sens postulé par Hardt et Negri. Il applique la conception de Jacques Lacan à la voix comme objet partiel de l’analyse des pratiques ultradémocrates des réunions populaires. À la base de cette conception, l’auteur effectue une distinction cruciale entre le peuple et la grandeur comme sujets de deux systèmes politiques, extrêmement différents. L’auteur encourage à la tentative d’appliquer la psychanalyse lacanienne politique, qui permettra de saisir la multitude comme un sujet hors de la castration, pourtant un sujet qui se laisse embrasser par la langue psychanalytique. L’auteur encourage à entreprendre la tentative de l’application de la psychanalyse lacanienne à la politique, qui permettrait de saisir la multitude comme sujet hors de castration, un sujet qui se laisse analyser à l’aide de la langue de psychanalyse.
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EN
This article presents an argument against attempts to exclude the political perspective from the reading and reception of literature. Departing from the failed afrmation of radical autonomy of the Symbolic undertaken by poststructuralist philosophy (mainly Jean Baudrillard and Jacques Derrida) it argues for inclusion of the Real in the process of reading since it is always operational in the process of writing. Without going back to the metaphysics of presence, it puts forward an understanding of the Real that departs from the concept of disclosure (ἀλήθεια), but aims at a more negative and dialectical understanding of the Real as the force that disrupts and invades discourse in unwanted yet unavoidable ways. Edward Said’s reading of literary classics, which traces the link between culture and imperialism, is provided as an example of such a political reading of literature.
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