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Francuskie zastrzeżenia wobec „moratorium Hoovera” z 20 czerwca 1931 r.

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Matera P. , Łódzki U.

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EN

The year 1931 was particularly hard period of the Great Depression that began in October 1929. The serious crisis could be observed in Germany. It revealed in bankruptcies of many enterprises and banks. On the 26th May 1931 there was a crush in the Berlin Stock. That is why the President of the United Slates - Herbert Hoover decided to announce the one-year moratorium on all the “governmental” payments: the war debts and reparations. This decision was caused by numerous connections between American capital and Germany, but Hoover officially stated it was for improving international co-operation and economic situation of the world. All main powers approved this proposal, but the government of France submitted many reservations. According to the French point of view, moratorium was contradictory to the "Young Plan" from 1930. They wanted Germany to pay the “unconditional” part of their reparations. For the French moratorium not only provoked the danger of abandonment of reparations but also the departure from the principles of Versailles Treaty. On the 27th June 1931 in Paris the conversations between French and American politicians were begun. After many divergences, the agreement was finally reached on the 6th July. The French forced the solution that “unconditional” part of reparations would be paid to the Bank of International Settlements and would be given back to Germany as the loan. The attitude of France delayed the coming into force of moratorium. It also destroyed “ the psychological effect” of Hoover’s proposition, which did not restore confidence and spirit of international co-operation.

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Aspekt brytyjski w działalności Stanisława Mikołajczyka jako wicepremiera Tymczasowego Rządu Jedności Narodowej (28 czerwca 1945 - 8 lutego 1947)

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Matera P. , Łódzki U.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2001

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tom 71

EN

This article higlights the role of the British policy in the activity o f Stanisław Mikołajczyk after the Second World War when he had already become the Vice Prime Minister of the Polish Government established on the conference in Yalta in February 1945. During the war Mikołajczyk was the Prime Minister of the Polish Government in Exile since July 15th 1943 till November 23rd 1944. In that period he was under hard pressure of the British politicians (Winston Churchill and Anthony Eden) who wanted him to agree to Soviet demands according to which Poland should accept „Curzon line” as her eastern border. It was the condition of the re-establishment of the Polish-Soviet relations having been broken in April 1943. The British politicians insisted on it. Mikołajczyk who could not obtain the consensus within his own government to fulfil that condition, resigned from his post on November 23rd 1944. He decided to come back to Poland and become a member of Polish government dominated by communists depended on the Soviet Union. Mikołajczyk became the vice prime minister. He believed that future parliamentary elections would be supervised by international committee from Great Britain and the United States. He counted on the support of the majority of Poles for his party PSL (Polish Peasant Party). But Great Britain found no possibilities to support Mikołajczyk. Also the United States did not care about the fulfilment of Yalta’s statement which stipulated free elections in Poland. Mikołajczyk sent a lot of reports describing the situation of his oppositional party which due to the persecutions could not act in a normal way. He had a contact with the British journalists who imparled those news abroad. British government only sent the notes with disapproval of postponing the data of elections. The official Polish-British relations were getting worse and worse. The members of the Communist Party (PPR) called Mikołajczyk „an imperialist agent” . They accused him of acting against Polish reasons of State. That is why his contacts with the British ambassador in Poland Victor Cavendish-Bentinck were strictly limited. Mikołajczyk was also supervised by Polish political police. Still he was disappointed by British opinion about Polish western border. During the Second World War the British politicians suggested him that Poland would obtain territorial compensation from Germany for the losses in the east. But once the war had been over they changed their attitude. British politicians wanted Mikołajczyk’s party to join the communist’s block of parties and resign the opposition before the elections. Formally they supported him but in fact they could not do anything to give him a real help so they lose their interest in the future of Poland. Despite this fact Mikolajczyk’s party decided to take part in the elections on January 19th 1947. The majority voted for PSL but results of elections were forged. PSL received only 28 places for 444 in the parliament. British government had sent the note indicating that it was impossible to accept these elections but then no other action was undertaken. In October 1947 Mikołajczyk got an information that he would be arrested. He had asked for help American and British embassies and he escaped from Poland to London on the board of British ship „Baltavia” on October 20th 1947.

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Implikacje porozumienia nuklearnego z Iranem dla polityki Stanów Zjednoczonych na Szerokim Bliskim Wschodzie

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Matera P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2016

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nr 4(361)

83-98

EN

The aim of the article is to demonstrate the effects of the signing on July 14, 2015 of the agreement on the restraint of the Iranian nuclear program – Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action – JCPOA). Supporters of the plan underline its real impact on preventing Teheran’s entry into possession of nuclear weapons and the possibility of easing the Iranian-American relations. Opponents do not agree with these assertions, pointing to the fact that Iran would be able to obtain financial resources (after the abolition of economic sanctions) for the development of the nuclear program in the future and for expansion of its influence in the region. The conclusion of the agreement has resulted in anxiety of the American allies in the Broader Middle East (Israel and the countries who are members of the Gulf Cooperation Council). This prompted the United States to change its policy towards this region and began a debate on the adoption of a coherent strategy in the future.

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KOORDYNACJA SANKCJI STANÓW ZJEDNOCZONYCH I UNII EUROPEJSKIEJ WOBEC ROSJI

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Matera P.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

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2016

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nr 2(14)

27-49 (23)

EN

The aim of this article is to demonstrate the necessity of close cooperation between the United States and the European Union in respect of the maintenance and introduction of new sanctions against Russia. The EU has got much closer and better developed economic relations with Russia than the US. So the Europeans possess the capability to make their sanctions more efficacious than those imposed by the US. On the other hand, the American restrictions and leadership provide crucial support for the European ac-tions, especially in the circumstances of divided opinions of EU member countries.

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Interesy państw a działalność amerykańskich korporacji międzynarodowych w latach 60. i 70. XX wieku

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Matera P.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2015

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nr 8(39)

159-186

EN

The main purpose of the article is to analyze the influence of international corporations on both domestic and foreign policy of the home and host countries as well as on intergovernmental relations. In the 1960s. and the 1970s. the predominant role of the US enterprises could be observed. Those companies invested mostly in the EC countries. They were welcomed there after the WWII, but the host countries felt growing concerns. They started to perceive the activities of the American enterprises as a challenge to national interest and even the national sovereignty. Therefore the actions to prevent foreign dominance were undertaken and the politicization of those matters was quite frequent. Also the authorities of the United States tried to control excessive capital flows and the transfer of certain goods and technology to the „enemy countries”. Moreover, the American corporations were reluctant to the unnecessary links with the US government as they wanted to avoid its impact on their activities.

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Koncepcje odrodzenia przywództwa Stanów Zjednoczonych na arenie międzynarodowej w XXI wieku

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Matera P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

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nr 4(353)

119-135

EN

The article concerns the position of the United States on the international stage in the 21st century. The major areas of domination and loss of the advantage in the new international order are presented in terms of the thesis of the end of American hegemony. The issues undertaken in this situation by the policy-makers are analyzed: defining the major threats and challenges for the United States; the methods ofcooperation with the traditional allies and with the new powers; the reforms of the domestic structures of power and the improvement of the state of economy in order to gain a stronger position in international relations; the necessity of the existence of a leader/hegemonist in the contemporary international system which has many centers of influence. The major part of the article presents the conceptions and activity of the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama: the strategy of transformational diplomacy and the concept of smart power.

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Uwarunkowania gospodarcze polityki zagranicznej Stanów Zjednoczonych w latach 70. XX wieku w świetle teorii międzynarodowej ekonomii politycznej

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Matera P.

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8

Koncepcje odrodzenia przywództwa Stanów Zjednoczonych na arenie międzynarodowej w XXI wieku

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Matera P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

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nr 4(353)

119-135

EN

The article concerns the position of the United States on the international stage in the 21st century. The major areas of domination and loss of the advantage in the new international order are presented in terms of the thesis of the end of American hegemony. The issues undertaken in this situation by the policy-makers are analyzed: defining the major threats and challenges for the United States; the methods of cooperation with the traditional allies and with the new powers; the reforms of the domestic structures of power and the improvement of the state of economy in order to gain a stronger position in international relations; the necessity of the existence of a leader/hegemonist in the contemporary international system which has many centers of influence. The major part of the article presents the conceptions and activity of the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama: the strategy of transformational diplomacy and the concept of smart power.

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The four horsemen of the Apocalypse. Remarks on the book The great leveler. Violence and the history of inequality from the Stone Age to the twenty-first century by Walter Scheidel. Princeton-Oxford: Princeton University Press 2017 - REVIEW ESSAY

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Matera P. , Matera R.

Przegląd Socjologiczny

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2017

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tom LXVI

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nr 4

125-138

EN

This article constitutes a review of the book “The great leveler” written by Walter Scheidel. We refer to the issue of constructing theories and pointing out the regularities in history. We present the scientific background of the author, as well as his inspirations from other publications of a similar kind, notably “Capital in the twenty-first century” by Thomas Piketty. We analyse the elements of Scheidel’s thesis that the levelling of income inequalities within the framework of states may come about only from violent shocks: mobilization warfare, transformative revolution, state failure, and lethal pandemics. We comment on each of these factors, offering a critical approach to the author’s interpretation and directions for further research. We also argue that for the studies of income disparities the estimation of data about the middle class is crucial, as the lack of or small scope of it is the most dangerous for domestic stability. The estimations of the top 1% of the richest means less in this context. We also propose a greater focus on the impact of welfare politics in democratic states. However, we highly appreciate the author’s thoroughness in compiling such a great amount of data as well as his logical argumentation, which make his work valuable, convincing, and intellectually stimulating.

PL

Esej zawiera recenzję książki Walter Scheidela “The great leveler”. Odnosimy się w nim to przedstawionej przez Autora teorii oraz dostrzegania przez niego prawidłowości w procesie historycznym. Przedstawiamy syntetycznie biografię naukową Scheidela oraz identyfikujemy Jego inspirację publikacjami, w których podejmowano podobne wątki, szczególnie pracą Thomasa Piketty’ego “Kapitał w XXI wieku”. Odnosimy się do poszczególnych elementów tezy Scheidela, który twierdzi, że wyrównywanie nierówności dochodów w ramach państwa może mieć miejsce jedynie w wyniku silnych wstrząsów, takich jak działania wojenne, rewolucje, upadek państw czy epidemie śmiertelnych chorób. Przedstawiamy krytyczną analizę twierdzeń Autora oraz proponujemy kierunki dalszych badań poszczególnych czynników. Przybliżamy również tezę, że dla badań nad nierównościami dochodów kluczowe są dane dotyczące klasy średniej, gdyż jej brak lub niewielki udział najbardziej zagrażają stabilności wewnętrznej państw. Skupienie się jedynie na 1% najzamożniejszych obywateli ma w tym kontekście mniejsze znaczenie. Proponujemy również wzięcie w większym stopniu pod uwagę polityk społecznych – państwa opiekuńczego – realizowanych w wielu państwach demokratycznych. Mimo tych krytycznych uwag, bardzo pozytywnie oceniamy skrupulatność naukową Autora, który oparł swoje badania na ogromnej liczbie danych. Na najwyższe uznanie zasługuje również logiczna argumentacja. To wszystko czyni Jego wywód przekonującym i inspirującym intelektualnie.