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EN
The text reflects on views of the Yugoslav political elite and writing of the Yugoslav press concerning the events in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia from occupation of this territory in March 1939 until the spring of 1941. The Yugoslav leadership adopted a reserved attitude towards the occupation of Czechoslovakia. The Yugoslav press wrote about events in the Protectorate mainly focusing on political events in German newspapers. Although the Yugoslav leadership avoided conflicts with Germany, the presence of the Czechoslovak culture in Yugoslavia signified positive attitudes towards the former Czechoslovakia. An analysis of relevant archival documents and the press shows how Yugoslavia affected the events in the Protectorate from 1939 to 1941.
2
Content available remote Otázka identity Čechů a Slováků v Jugoslávii v letech 1939–1941
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EN
This article analyzes the question of identity of members of the Czech and Slovak minorities in Yugoslavia in a very turbulent period for the Yugoslav state. Despite that the great majority of Slovaks along with a certain number of Czechs held Yugoslav citizenship; the Slovaks and Czechs living in Yugoslavia were not willing to agree with the abolishment of Czechoslovakia. Members of the Czech minority saw the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia as an occupied territory that had once been their homeland. On the other side, Yugoslav Slovaks, besides the fact that they also lost their original homeland, did not want to accept the Slovak regime due to its close cooperation with Nazi Germany and they did not agree with the strong German influence upon Slovakia. Even if the autonomy of Slovakia would had been acceptable, they did not want to reconcile themselves with the activities being taken by the Slovak government against Evangelicals. Therefore, the majority of Slovaks in Yugoslavia, who had been traditionally raised with Evangelism, sharply criticized the regime in Slovakia. The abolition of Czechoslovakia and the formation of a Slovak state and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia also acted to a certain extent upon the national consciousness of members of the Czech and Slovak minorities, serving to highlight the question of their identity. The article is primarily based on sources of Czech, Slovak, Yugoslav and German provenience as well as from period press materials.
EN
In his partly comparative study, the author focuses on a specific chapter in Czechoslovak- Yugoslav relations in the 20th century, namely contacts of the exile governments of both countries after their occupation by the German army in March 1939 (remnants of Czechoslovakia) and April 1941 (Yugoslavia). Supported by document from Prague’s and Belgrade’s archives, he recalls circumstances of the German occupation of Yugoslavia and compares the formation of the Czechoslovak and Yugoslav political representations in exile, the different ways they took to London, the problems they encountered during early years in exile, and their positions in London’s exile community. The study shows how the restoration of mutual relations between the two representations was burdened by historical animosities, although Belgrade and Prague had been allies since 1919, both being members of the Little Entente; President Edvard Beneš (1884 – 1948), in particular, was long reproaching Yugoslav politicians for abandoning Czechoslovakia at the time of the Munich crisis in the autumn of 1938. However, some Yugoslav representatives, on the other hand, disliked the fact that the Czechoslovak government had not supported them in the conflict with Italy in 1926 and during the establishment of the king’s dictatorship three years later. Mutual relations of leading Czechoslovak and Yugoslav politicians in exile were also reflecting their respective opinions on further war developments and on relations of restored Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia to allied powers. Both exile governments were striving for help and support of Great Britain; however, they assumed, for a variety of reasons, different attitudes to cooperation with the Soviet Union. Although the relations were gradually improving, especially since 1943, when the Yugoslav government declared that it did not acknowledge the Munich Agreement, their courses drifted apart while both were still in exile, and only Czechoslovak exile representatives returned home as winners, while their Yugoslav counterparts in London had to “beat a retreat”, yielding to Tito’s Communists, and most of them stayed in exile.
CS
Autor se v této částečně komparativní studii věnuje specifické kapitole vztahů mezi Československem a Jugoslávií ve dvacátém století, kterou tvořily kontakty exilových vlád obou zemí, poté co byly okupovány německou armádou v březnu 1939 (zbytkové Česko-slovensko) a v dubnu 1941 (Jugoslávie). S oporou v materiálech z pražských a bělehradských archivů připomíná okolnosti německé okupace Jugoslávie a porovnává formování československé a jugoslávské politické reprezentace v exilu, jejich rozdílnou cestu do Londýna, problémy, s nimiž se v prvních letech potýkaly, a jejich postavení v britském exilu. Studie přitom ukazuje, jak obnovení vzájemných vztahů mezi oběma reprezentacemi zatěžovaly historické animozity, přestože od roku 1919 Bělehrad s Prahou poutaly spojenecké svazky v rámci Malé dohody: zejména prezident Edvard Beneš (1884–1948) dlouho vyčítal jugoslávským politikům, že opustili Československo v době mnichovské krize na podzim 1938, ale i někteří jugoslávští představitelé nelibě nesli, že je československá vláda nepodpořila ve střetu s Itálií v roce 1926 a při nastolení královské diktatury o tři roky později. Ve vzájemných kontaktech československých a jugoslávských vedoucích politiků v exilu se promítaly také jejich názory na další vývoj války a na vztahy obnoveného Československa a Jugoslávie ke spojeneckým velmocím. O podporu a pomoc Velké Británie usilovaly obě exilové vlády, rozdílný postoj ale z vícero důvodů zaujaly ke spolupráci se Sovětským svazem. Přestože se jejich vzájemné vztahy zlepšily zejména poté, co jugoslávská vláda počátkem roku 1943 vyhlásila, že neuznává Mnichovskou dohodu, jejich cesty se ještě v exilu rozešly a do vlasti se po válce jako vítězové vrátili jen českoslovenští exiloví představitelé, zatímco jejich jugoslávští partneři z Londýna museli „vyklidit pole“ Titovým komunistům a většinou zůstali v exilu.
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