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EN
This study interprets the approach of the Czech Republic towards refugees and Schengen under the current refugee crisis. Although these topics are assessed most differently by the Czech political elites, they share the emphasis on solidarity. Indeed, exploring the role of solidarity by Czech political elites is the core of this article. Theoretically, the study develops the concept of international solidarity developed by Coicaud and Wheeler (2008) which enables one to analyse the seemingly inconsistent combination of solidarity and interests as used and performed by the Czech government. At the same time, it fills in the gap in research on the empirical impact of solidarity. Methodologically, the article combines an analysis of the main actors’ visions and behaviour and of the political discourse. The findings indicate that the Czech government does not act purely egoistically. Indeed, the leaders of the Czech governmental parties consider the needs of others while simultaneously taking account of their own interests. Hence, their behaviour can be evaluated as ‘solidarity led by interests’.
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EN
The aim of this paper is to analyze the influence of the Danish attitude towards immigration on her foreign policy. The first theses of the paper is that although the research is focused particularly on the domestic influence of the immigration, the impact on the foreign policy is also significant and cannot be underestimated. The core of the study is in the analysis of the changing attitudes of political parties and generally of the Danish society towards immigrants in the 1980s and after the parliament elections in 2001 and the focus is on the international dimension. Although, it is just the year 2001 which is perceived as a symbol of the more restrictive immigration policy, the second thesis is that the changes brought about by the aforementioned elections were not coincidental. On the contrary, they were shaped by the Danish identity and can be seen as a logical consequence of the events in the previous years.
CS
Cílem této studie je analýza zahraničněpolitického rozměru dánského přístupu k imigrační politice. První tezí studie je fakt, že přestože výzkum se soustředí především na domácí dopady imigrace, vliv na zahraniční politiku je rovněž významný a neměl by být podceňován. Jádro studie tvoří analýza měnících se přístupů politických stran a dánské společnosti obecně vůči imigraci v osmdesátých letech 20. století a po parlamentních volbách v roce 2001; důraz je kladen na mezinárodní rozměr. Druhá teze předpokládá, že změny v oblasti přistěhovalecké otázky způsobené výše zmíněnými volbami — přestože právě rok 2001 je vnímán jako symbol přísnější imigrační politiky —, nebyly náhodné. Na druhé straně, formovala je dánská národní identita, proto na ně můžeme nahlížet jako na logický důsledek událostí z předchozích let.
EN
Similar to other historical phenomena, understanding feudal issues has always been closely related to the changes of historiographical discourse. In the nineteenth century, the institution of fi ef was treated as a component of feudalism and as such fairly negatively valued, whilst when in later literature, popular became a notion of feudal law, a kind of a legal system, its importance was highly overrated. Examined within the framework of legal history, the issue of fi efdom gained independence with the advent of processuality of the historical process in historical sciences, e.g., in the form of infl uence of sociology in the monograph from the late 1920s La société féodale by Marc Bloch, who saw elements similar to feudalism and feudal institutions in areas outside Europe. Positive assessment of the feudal system emerged in the context of the formation of territorial structures of the state, mainly due to the German scholar of history of law – Heinrich Mitteis. Further impulses, largely referring to older ideas, occurred together with the problematisation of some institutions formerly deemed immutable, such as feudalism, as well as the recognition of the feudal system as an independent social structure, not subject to the infl uence of historical factors and processes, e.g., in the 1953 monograph of Georges Duby La société aux XIe et XIIe siècles dans la région mâconnaise. Some shortcomings of the structural perspective were overcome by a more fl exible interpretation of the phenomena in the spirit of the postmodern discourse, e.g., through studies on vassals. The postmodern critique inspired the work of Susan Reynolds (Fiefs and Vasalls), who in addition to the use of traditional concepts, undermined the continuity of the historical process, or our understanding of the continuity of the historical process in accordance with Neo-Kantian philosophy. The Czech historiography, naturally, went through analogous processes, the change best attested to in the 1952 paper Lennie právo v Čechách by František Graus, who, within the Marxist discourse on the periodisation of history, applied the structural approach to the problems of feudal system, yet, as regards the title of the said article, still remained within the former discourse.
EN
Although many countries have long regarded metropolitan cooperation and the development of EU metropolitan areas as an important theme, the Czech Republic has yet to provide substantial support for the process of institutionalization of metropolitan cooperation at any of the key hierarchical levels (municipal, regional, national). In the creation of conditions for metropolitan cooperation, the Czech Republic appears passive, as if playing a waiting game. Many activities in this field can be considered consequences of external pressure or impulses from the EU. Nor has there been adequate professional inter-disciplinary debate providing valid conclusions for planning practice. This article aims to fi ll this gap in the Czech setting. Based on evaluation of the results of a large questionnaire survey (including analysis of statistical data and empirical experience from a model territory), its aim is to analyse and evaluate the potential of municipalities for metropolitan cooperation in the Brno metropolitan area. The model territory has been chosen with care: the attitudes of Czech metropolitan areas to metropolitan cooperation range from the passive role of simple beneficiary of European funds to the long-term conceptual creation of an individual dimension for metropolitan cooperation. As such, the city of Brno is a current leader in the development of cooperation and planning at metropolitan level in the Czech Republic. All three dimensions of metropolitan cooperation (factual, institutional and cultural) have been applied within this metropolitan area. During a 2017 survey, all 166 mayors of municipalities in the metropolitan area outside the city of Brno (comprising approximately 200,000 inhabitants over an area of 1,500 km²) were addressed through an electronically distributed questionnaire. The survey turned out to be reasonably representative: the return rate was 88% (146 municipalities, with the remaining twenty under average population). The results show that potential for metropolitan cooperation is relatively high: three quarters of municipalities addressed are willing to participate in some way. Only one third have refused to contribute financially or by a transfer of competences. As expected, there is very low willingness to merge with other municipalities to increase the efficiency of local administration, but this is not an indispensable condition for the starting and intensification of metropolitan cooperation. Also, the results have confirmed the supposition that willingness to participate depends significantly on the size of the municipality (smaller ones show greater willingness) and the distance to the centre of the metropolitan area (the city of Brno); greater willingness to cooperate is shown by municipalities located closer to the centre. In general, there is considerable potential for metropolitan cooperation of municipalities within the metropolitan area, although this is still very much conditioned and/or limited by financial considerations and the requirement to conserve basic administrational competences that are underpinned by strong historical memory.
CS
V českém prostředí nebyla institucionalizace metropolitní spolupráce dosud významněji podporována na žádné z klíčových prostorově-hierarchických úrovní (obecní, regionální, národní), zatímco její význam je v mnoha vyspělých zemích zdůrazňován a rozvoj metropolitních regionů je v EU velmi podporován. Navíc se plnohodnotná odborná interdisciplinární diskuse k této problematice, která by poskytla platné závěry pro potřeby plánovací praxe, vyvíjí poměrně pomalu. Předkládaný příspěvek se snaží zaplnit tuto mezeru v českém prostředí, zejména prostřednictvím výsledků z dotazníkového šetření a empirických zkušeností z modelového území Brněnské metropolitní oblasti (BMO). Výsledky výzkumu naznačují ochotu obcí k formálnější institucionalizaci metropolitní spolupráce a vybrané kompetence obcí mohou být do budoucna přenositelné na nově zřízenou metropolitní platformu/agenturu. Spolupráce obcí je však stále významně limitována finančními aspekty a požadavkem na zachování základních samosprávných kompetencí podvázaných silnou historickou pamětí.
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