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nr 10
89-106
PL
Celem artykułu było zbadanie zależności między klęską Wolnej Partii Demokratycznej (Freie Demokratische Partei) w wyborach do Bundestagu w 2013 r. a wynikami FDP w wyborach do parlamentów w jedenastu krajach związkowych Republiki Federalnej Niemiec od X 2013 r. do 2016 r. Z analiz statystycznych wynika, że porażka liberałów w wyborach do Bundestagu w 2013 r. niekorzystnie wpłynęła na wyniki wyborcze ugrupowania i pogłębiła spadek popularności FDP. Ponadto badania potwierdziły hipotezę, że liberałowie zyskują większe poparcie w zachodnich krajach związkowych niż we wschodnich krajach związkowych. Na spadek poparcia FDP wpłynęło zniechęcenie wyborców do liberalizmu gospodarczego oraz kryzys migracyjny w Europie. Z badań wynika, że liberałowie dążą do przełamania kryzysu przywództwa w partii odbudowując wizerunek polityków działających w strukturach centralnych i terenowych.
EN
The aim of the article is to discover the correlation between the Free Democratic Party’s (Freie Demokratische Partei) defeat in the Bundestag elections of 2013 and the results of the state parliament elections in eleven states of the Federal Republic of Germany since Oct. 2013 until 2016. The analysis of statistics shows that the defeat in the Bundestag election of 2013 had a negative impact on the election results of the party and deepened FDP’s support crisis. Furthermore, the research confirmed the thesis that the liberals are gaining more support in Western states than in Eastern ones. FDP’s support loss was influenced by the discouragement of voters towards economic liberalism and the migration crisis in Europe. The research shows that the liberals are endeavoring to overcome the leadership crisis in the party by paying more attention to the public image of the politicians active in their main and local structures.
PL
Celem artykułu było wskazanie roli i miejsca Czarnego Kontynentu podczas Monachijskiej Konferencji Bezpieczeństwa (Munich Scecurity Conference, MSC), a tezą stwierdzenie, że problemy bezpieczeństwa Afryki po 2015 r. stały się ważne w agendzie MSC. Organizowana przez Wolfganga Ischingera konferencja umożliwiła kontaktowanie się i wymienianie doświadczeń politykom z Afryki i innych kontynentów. Wśród analizowanych źródeł uwzględnione zostały przemówienia polityków i strony internetowe instytucji, m.in. Unii Afrykańskiej i Forum Tana. Aby sformułować wnioski i oceny uwzględniono wiedzę o teorii: integracji, regionalnych konfliktów bezpieczeństwa, upodmiotowienia i feministycznej teorii stosunków międzynarodowych.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the place and status of the African continent on the agenda of the Munich Security Conference (MSC) and the thesis states, that Africa’s security problems after 2015 became a priority during the MSC. The conference, organized by Wolfgang Ischinger, enabled politicians from Africa and other continents to meet and exchange experiences. Analyzed sources included speeches of politicians and websites of institutions such as the African Union or the Tana Forum. In articulating the conclusions following theories were taken into consideration: the theory of integration, regional security complex theory, empowerment theory and feminist theory in international relations.
4
Content available remote Raporty i rekomendacje Monachijskich Konferencji Bezpieczeństwa po 2020 r.
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EN
The article analyzes the following issues which were presented during the Munich Security Conferences after 2020: the problem of the perception of the position of the West and the transatlantic world, the discourse on confrontation and cooperation in the transatlantic world, and the topic of risk assessment related to the evolution of global threats,. It was hypothesized that the reports analyzed in Munich reflect the sense of insecurity caused by current crises and the diagnosed risk, e.g. resulting from a global pandemic, and are presented on a forum that is an important (albeit not very effective) tool for conducting international policy by states and other international entities. A further hypothesis states that Germany uses the Munich International Conferences as an arena for presenting and promoting foreign policy directions. From among the challenges discussed in the agenda of the Munich conferences, two case studies were selected: responses to the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian- Ukrainian crisis. Considerable attention has been paid to the political and intellectual discourse regarding the latter crisis. The article uses the method of comparative analysis, conducted according to the successive stages of description and interpretation of the impact of the COVID pandemic on internal and international relations, taking into account both the neoliberal paradigm and neorealism.
PL
Celem artykułu było zbadanie, czy premierzy niemieckich krajów związkowych (Winfried Kretschmann, Horst Seehofer, Bodo Ramelow, Stanislaw Tillich, Dietmar Woidke), reprezentujący najważniejsze niemieckie partie polityczne, podtrzymali lub zrewidowali swoje stanowisko w sprawie polityki migracyjnej po 2015 roku. Polityka rządów krajów związkowych oraz wypowiedzi i działania premierów wpłyną na rezultat wyborów federalnych w 2017 roku. Napływ uchodźców spowodował zwiększenie wyzwań w polityce integracyjnej, odnotowano m.in. wzrost przestępczości, zagrożeń terrorystycznych oraz protestów społecznych wobec polityki otwartości, którą próbowała wdrożyć kanclerz Angela Merkel.
EN
The aim of article was to examine if the prime ministers of state governments in Germany (Winfried Kretschmann, Horst Seehofer, Bodo Ramelow, Stanislaw Tillich, Dietmar Woidke), who represent the main German political parties, maintained or reconsidered their standpoint on the asylum policy after 2015. The state governments’ policy, as well as the statements and actions of local politicians, will affect the results of the federal elections in 2017. The inflow of refugees has created new challenges in the integration policy: a rise in crime rate, an increased danger of terror and social protests against the Merkel open door policy have been observed.
PL
W artykule poddano analizie problem wielokulturowości w Republice Federalnej Niemiec. Problemy towarzyszące tej koncepcji polityki wobec imigrantów zaprezentowano z dwóch perspektyw. Pierwsze spojrzenie ma źródło w doświadczeniach Bassama Tibi, syryjskiego uczonego, który pracował wiele lat w RFN. Drugi obraz Niemiec, wdrażających politykę wielokulturowości, stworzył Thillo Sarrazin, niemiecki polityk i przedsiębiorca.
EN
The article concerns the issue of multiculturalism in Germany. The subject is presented from two perspectives. First one has its source in the experience of Bassam Tibi, the Syrian scientist, who has worked for many years in Germany. The second is created by Thillo Sarrazin, German politician and trader.
8
Content available Refugee crisis – casus of Cottbus
100%
EN
The fact that about 4000 immigrants are placed in Cottbus, situated 192 km from Poznań and 83 km from Zielona Góra, makes us feel it is necessary to analyze modus operandi of the entities legitimizing or delegitimizing the Open Door policy of the Chancellor Angela Merkel. To explain their position, political actors refer to the diverse narratives that Rolf Peter Sieferle classified as: the refugee narrative; a narrative recalling the demographic problem; a narrative referring to problems in the labor market and a lack of qualified employees; a narrative referring to the essence of multiculturalism. Difficulties in absorbing immigrants caused a discussion about fatigue both in political parties and in the media, but they showed the potential of social initiatives and movements, for example the organization “Future of the Fatherland”, led by Hans-Christoph Berndt. His views combined with the statements of Dietmar Woidke, the Prime Minister of Brandenburg, or Jörg Steinbach, the President of the Brandenburg University of Technology, reflect the diversity of the assessment of migration policy in a micro-scale.
10
Content available remote Three-dimensional scaffolds for bioengineering of cartilage tissue
32%
EN
The cartilage tissue is neither supplied with blood nor innervated, so it cannot heal by itself. Thus, its reconstruction is highly challenging and requires external support. Cartilage diseases are becoming more common due to the aging population and obesity. Among young people, it is usually a post-traumatic complication. Slight cartilage damage leads to the spontaneous formation of fibrous tissue, not resistant to abrasion and stress, resulting in cartilage degradation and the progression of the disease. For these reasons, cartilage regeneration requires further research, including use of new type of biomaterials for scaffolds. This paper shows cartilage characteristics within its most frequent problems and treatment strategies, including a promising method that combines scaffolds and human cells. Structure and material requirements, manufacturing methods, and commercially available scaffolds were described. Also, the comparison of poly(L-lactide) (PLLA) and polyethersulfone (PES) 3D membranes obtained by a phase inversion method using nonwovens as a pore-forming additives were reported. The scaffolds’ structure and the growth ability of human chondrocytes were compared. Scaffolds’ structure, cells morphology, and protein presence in the membranes were examined with a scanning electron microscope. The metabolic activity of cells was tested with the MTT assay. The structure of the scaffolds and the growth capacity of human chondrocytes were compared. Obtained results showed higher cell activity and protein content for PES scaffolds than for PLLA. The PES membrane had better mechanical properties (e.g. ripping), greater chondrocytes proliferation, and thus a better secretion of proteins which build up the cartilage structure.
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