Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

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Światowy system handlu - istota i przyczyny rozwoju

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Świerkocki J. , Uniwersytet Łódzki K. M. S. G.

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EN

The phenomenon of the world trading system is not easy to explain. It may be analyzed as an international regime. Its evolution reflects both deregulatory and regulatory tendencies in economic policy. Realistic and liberal theories of international relations do not offer convincing explanations why it was created in 1947 and why, since then, it has developed attracting new members and enlarging its scope of intervention. In the literature there are at least 4 different concepts explaining why the countries decided to limit their sovereignty and to subordinate their trade policy to the international regime: comparative advantage, Prisoner’s Dilemma, embedded liberalism, and enhanced credibility of government policy.

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Umowy o stowarzyszeniu jako narzędzie polityki zagranicznej Wspólnoty Europejskiej

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Świerkocki J. , Uniwersytet Łódzki K. M. S. G.

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EN

Association Agreements (AA) are specific tools invented by the EC for shaping relations with third countries. They may provide for preferential trade and economic cooperation but also may support political, economic and social reforms, may prepare them for membership or may substitute for being the EC member country. They reflect the center - perihery relations. Since the first AA with Greece and Turkey in the early 1960’s they grew in number and became more complex. The most important extension relates to political dialogue with associated countries. Still they do not cover security issues. The EC uses them to promote fundamental “European values”. Such policy serves to build her sphere of influence in order to increase economic and political stability in the continent. From this point of view the AA were only partly successful in the 1990’s. The biggest achievement was preparing 8 former communist countries for membership in relatively short time. The EC failed however in stabilizing relations in other sub-regions, like the Balkans and the Middle East.

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Czy w interesie Polski leży wielostronna liberalizacja handlu produktami rolnymi?

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Świerkocki J. , Uniwersytet Łódzki K. M. S. G.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Oeconomica

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2007

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tom 209

EN

The suspension of Doha negotiations in July 2006 does not imply that the Round will finally collapse. It seems interesting to evaluate from the current Polish perspective whether multilateral system for agriculture should be maintained in its present form. Thinking globally, multilateral liberalisation is good since, in terms of welfare, the EU will be its main beneficiary and Poland became a member country. The EU seems also morally responsible for the success of the Doha Round, which was meant to support developing countries. However, when national sector perspective is adopted instead of a global one, Poland should rather oppose multilateral liberalization. The accession to the EU provided excellent opportunities to develop agricultural production and exports. Also domestic conditions (farm labour, farm size structure, net transfers from general EU budget) favour integration over global opening to trade.

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Warunki i przebieg liberalizacji światowego handlu produktami rolnymi

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Świerkocki J. , Uniwersytet Łódzki K. W. M.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Oeconomica

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2008

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tom 221

EN

Developed countries still dominate international markets in agriculture products although recently several developing countries threatened their position. At the same time, the GATT/WTO community agreed to start liberalizing agricultural trade. At first, in the Uruguay Round some general conditions and foundations for negotiations were formulated. The real talks started during Doha Round becoming soon its most controversial issue and they were indeterminably suspended in July 2006. There were at least two main reasons of this deadlock: first, protection in different countries is still difficult to compare, second, there is no significant progress in agricultural policy in the USA, in the UE-25 and in Japan.

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Elementy polityki wobec polskich inwestycji bezpośrednich

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Świerkocki J.

Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne

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2015

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tom XCV (95)

345-368

PL

Celowość tworzenia przez państwo preferencyjnych warunków dla krajowych inwestycji bezpośrednich jest trudniejsza do wyjaśnienia niż dla inwestycji bezpośrednich napływających z zagranicy. Wątpliwości dotyczą szczególnie krajów takich jak Polska, które w odróżnieniu od wielu innych gospodarek wschodzących cierpią na niedobór własnych oszczędności. Jednak kolejne polskie przedsiębiorstwa podejmują działalność gospodarczą inwestując za granicą. Mimo że skala tej ekspansji nie jest na razie duża, to w świetle koncepcji ścieżki rozwoju inwestycyjnego J. Dunninga należy oczekiwać jej wzrostu w najbliższych latach. Rodzi to pytanie o celowość wspierania polskich inwestycji bezpośrednich (PIB) ze środków publicznych. Działania w tym zakresie muszą mieścić się w ramach zakreślonych przez polskie prawo dewizowe i wspólne reguły konkurencji UE. Instrumenty możliwe do zastosowania są liczne i urozmaicone. Jednak ich wykorzystanie w Polsce było dotychczas więcej niż skromne. Może to być uzasadnione ze względu na brak badań oceniających skutki PIB dla gospodarki. Artykuł przedstawia dotychczas stosowane narzędzia wspierające te inwestycje i formułuje rekomendacje dla polityki w tym zakresie.

EN

It is much more difficult to justify why a State would like to offer preferential conditions to OFDI than in the case of IFDI. Such doubts are raised in particular in countries like Poland which, differently from many other emerging economies, suffer from shortages in their own savings. However, more and more Polish enterprises locate their economic operations abroad. Although the scale of expansion is still not very impressive, in the light of the idea proposed in the Investment Development Path by J. Dunning, we should expect its intensification in the years to come. Therefore the question is whether supporting OFDI from public resources would be a reasonable policy. The government intervention must remain within the framework of Polish foreign currency law and common EU competition rules. Instruments available under the two regimes are numerous and versatile. Nevertheless, their application in Poland has so far been more than modest. It could be justified by the lack of knowledge about the effects of OFDI for Poland’s economy. The paper aims at presenting the measures applied so far to support the OFDI in Poland and at formulating recommendations for such policy.