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2 Academic Journal of Modern Philology

2 Avram A. A.

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Substrate and Adstrate Influence on (Ki)Nubi: Evidence from Early Records

100%

Avram A. A.

tom 10

7-21

(Ki)Nubi is an Arabic-lexifier creole, spoken in Kenya and Uganda. Its substrate includes a wide range of languages, of various genetic affiliations: Nilo-Saharan (Acholi, Avokaya, Baka, Bari, Belanda Bor, Bongo, Didinga, Dinka, Jur, Lendu, Lotuho, Lugbara, Luo, Ma’di, Mamvu, Moru, Nuer, Päri, Shilluk) , as well as Niger-Congo (Mundu and Zande). The adstrate languages, all Niger-Congo, are Bangala, Swahili and Luganda. The present paper looks at a number of selected features of (Ki)Nubi which can be attributed to substrate and adstrate influence and which are attested in the earliest extant records of the language: Wtterwulghe (1904), Cook (1905), Jenkins (1909), Meldon (1913), and Owen & Keane (1915). Since (Ki)Nubi is believed to have creolized by the end of the 19th century, the records examined provide insights into the earlier stages of the language. The issues covered are developments in the phonology, calques, and loanwords. The analysis of the phonology of early (Ki)Nubi focuses on instances of substitutions of consonants and vowels, the occurrence of variation, “imported” phonemes, and the repair strategies employed for syllable restructuring. The calques recorded in early (Ki)Nubi are shown to be indicative of the existence of areal features, cutting across genetic affiliations. Wherever possible, loanwords are traced to their source languages. Also examined is the possibility of multiple etymology in the case of lexical items attested in several of the substrate and/or adstrate languages.

Word-Final Obstruent Devoicing in Maltese: Inherited, Internal Development or Contact-Induced?

100%

Avram A. A.

tom 6

23-37

Maltese is a peripheral dialect of Arabic heavily influenced by Sicilian and Italian (see e.g. Krier 1976). Maltese is believed by some to be an offshoot of Sicilian Arabic, but this is subject to debate in the literature (see Isserlin 1977; Brincat 1995; Agius 1996; La Rosa 2014; Avram forthcoming). A characteristic of Maltese phonology is the devoicing of obstruents in word-final position (Cohen 1966; Borg 1975, 1997b). The present paper looks into the possible origins of this phonological rule, i.e. whether it may have been inherited from Sicilian Arabic, whether it is the outcome of an internal development or whether it is a change triggered by contact with Sicilian and Italian. The evidence examined includes transcriptions of personal names and place-names in Greek and Latin documents (see e.g. Cusa 1868; Caracausi 1983; Avram 2012, 2016, forthcoming), the earliest texts in Maltese, and early Arabic loanwords in Sicilian (De Gregorio & Seybold 1903). Also discussed are insights provided by research on language contacts (see e.g. Thomason & Kaufman 1988) and on second language phonology (see e.g. Flege & Davidian 1984; Fullana & Mora 2009). It is suggested that, as in other peripheral dialects of Arabic, word-final obstruent devoicing in Maltese is a contact-induced change.