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Zagadnienie cielesności w ujęciu Emmanuela Lévinasa: rozkosz erotyczna i pieszczota

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Słomka J.

Logos i Ethos

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2020

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tom 52

EN

Lévinas describes erotic close-up and pleasure as analogous to meeting a man appearing in the face of another. This rapprochement realized in the caress is a delight. Pleasure is treated by Lévinas as a basic way of human existence, as a primary experience of himself, earlier and separate from intentionality. This thought of Lévinas makes it clear how sensual the sensation is in fact human, and above all how specific human the sensuality of eroticism, which is the sensuality of intimacy with another human being, and how different it is from sensations caused by any artificial impulse. This difference applies to all human corporeality. The human body and its sensuality are not simply matter and impulses. This approach to eroticism and corporeality allows us to see two paradigms of knowledge of reality and two anthropologies, and indicate the possibility of referring to Lévinas’ bodily, sensual anthropology in moral theology in order to show the ethical dimension of erotic approach.

PL

Lévinas opisuje zbliżenie i rozkosz erotyczną jako analogiczne do spotkania człowieka objawiającego się w twarzy Innego. To zbliżenie realizujące się w pieszczocie jest rozkoszą. Rozkosz jest przez Lévinasa traktowana jako podstawowy sposób istnienia człowieka, jako pierwotne doznanie siebie samego, wcześniejsze i odrębne od intencjonalności. Ta myśl filozofa uwyraźnia to, jak bardzo wrażenie zmysłowe jest w istocie ludzkie, a przede wszystkim jak specyficznie ludzka jest zmysłowość erotyki, która jest zmysłowością bliskości z innym człowiekiem, oraz to, jak jest odmienna od wrażeń wywołanych przez jakikolwiek sztuczny impuls. Ta różnica dotyczy całej cielesności człowieka. Ciało ludzkie i jego zmysłowość nie są po prostu materią i impulsami. Takie ujęcie erotyki i cielesności pozwala zobaczyć dwa paradygmaty poznania rzeczywistości i dwie antropologie oraz wskazać możliwość odwołania się do cielesnej, zmysłowej antropologii Lévinasa w teologii moralnej w celu pokazania etycznego wymiaru zbliżenia erotycznego.

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Metodologia wykładu patrologi-patrystyki w Polsce po „Instrukcji” z 1989 roku

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Słomka J.

Vox Patrum

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2008

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tom 52

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nr 2

951-964

EN

In 1989, the Instruction on the Study of the Fathers of the Church in the Formation ofPriests was published. A document of the Congregation for Catholic Education, it provides a basic reference point for all lecturers on patrology. In its last third part, the Instruction offers a set of specific guidelines relating to the ways patrology ought to be taught. The article aims to examine the impact of the Instruction on the textbooks that have appeared in Poland since it was published. There have been six such textbooks, including one translation, by such authors as H. Pietras (two textbooks), A. Żurek, Sz. Pieszczoch. L. Padovese and F. Drączkowski. Despite the fact that some authors quoted the Instruction in the introduction, none of them pointed towards it as a source of methodological inspiration. As for the actual method applied, the textbooks can be divided into two groups: one of them follows the classical method, represented by, e.g., the textbook by B. Altaner, limiting the presented material for practical reasons. The other group includes textbooks compiled according to entirely different methods, taking account of the guidelines presented in the Instruction. A methodological analysis of the above mentioned textbooks leads to the conclusion that there is no possibility to create a textbook that would play a universal role, similar to the work by B. Altaner and A. Stuiber. In the future, we may expect a continuation of the two trends in the method in which textbooks of patrology are written.

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Męczennicy i przebaczenie grzechów

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Słomka J.

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2007

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tom 3

94-106

EN

In the 2nd and 3rd Centuries a practice developed in the churches of Asia Minor whereby the forgiveness of sins, or ecclesiastical peace, was granted by martyrs. The practice had its origin in the persecutions of Christians. As martyrs participated in the Passion of Christ, and were thus united to Him in a unique way, they were able to uphold those who renounced their faith in the midst of persecutions, welcoming them back to the Church. The peace granted by martyrs was approved by bishops. The practice was also familiar to Tertullian, who, being a Montanist, pointed out that it was generally the „people of the Spirit” who had the power to forgive sins, which included prophets as well as martyrs. Tertullian claimed that the power to forgive sins was not related to the Apostolic succession. The above-described practice was opposed by St. Cyprian of Carthage who, in 250 A.D., following the persecutions under Decius, put penitential practice in order, subordinating it to the power of the bishop.

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Krytyka żydów w najstarszych pismach chrześcijańskich tradycji antiocheńskiej i azjatyckiej

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Słomka J.

Studia Pastoralne

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2014

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tom 10

396-404

EN

The article deals with three Christian writings which originated in Antioch and Asia at the end of the 1st and the first half of the 2nd century, namely Didache, the Letters of Ignatius of Antioch and the Paschal Homily of Melito of Sardis. The first two include only short, marginal paragraphs criticising the Jews. The Paschal Homily, on the other hand, devotes a long, carefully composed passage to their criticism, or more precisely, accusation. It is placed in the text after the presentation of the history of sin, slavery and liberation offered to us by Christ through His death. The passage starts with an accusation against Israel for killing Jesus. The Jews killed Him because they had not recognised God, their Saviour. Then Melito revisits the history of Israel as described in the Old Testament, demonstrating that, from the very beginning, the Jews had been ungrateful and unable to recognise their God. As a result, they deserved their punishment. Though Melito does not mention it directly, it is highly probable that he regards the destruction of Jerusalem and the expulsion of the Jews in 135 AD as their punishment and the sign of their rejection by God. The entire Homily is based on the typological interpretation of the Scripture and demonstrates the author’s excellent knowledge of the Old Testament. The combination of such a violent accusation and such good knowledge of the Jewish tradition, in the context of what we know about the social relations in 2nd century Sardis, suggests that the church in Sardis was dominated by Christians who previously were proselytes.

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PROROCY CHRZEŚCIJAŃSCY I–II WIEKU

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Słomka J.

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tom 39

PL

CHRISTIAN PROPHETSChristianity was born among the Jewish circles. In a natural, though not unpremeditated way, the Young Church derived its inspiration from the religious heritage of Judaism. For instance, from the very beginning, it definitely rejected the literal observation of the Jewish Law. Another important element of the Judaic tradition were the prophets. As those who spoke out directly on God’s behalf, they admonished the people of Israel as well as its rulers and proclaimed the message of hope, but above all, they announced the coming of the Messiah. The prophetic tradition had been taken over in the very first phase of the Church’s life. This is best borne out by the numerous testimonies from the Act of the Apostles, St. Paul’s Letters as well as by the testimonies contained in the writings of the Apostolic Fathers, above all the Didache and the Shepherd, though not exclusively. By the end of the first century, in the vicinity of Antioch and Asia Minor, the prophets played an important role in the structures of church „offices”; in other words, they also participated in the daily administering of the churches. Afterwards, their institutional role disappears, yet the prophets themselves continue to be present in the church communities and prophesying continues to enjoy spiritual authority. It is recognized as significant for the Church’s authenticity. It seems that ultimately it was the argument over Montana who declared himself to be a new prophet, that put an end to this tradition. Under the influence of the discussion concerning the authenticity of Montana’s prophetic gift, it was definitely announced in Rome that „The Holy Spirit spoke through the prophets” and this statement had gradually become one of the fundamental tenets of faith. The past tense used in this declaration signifies that the time of the prophets came to an end at the moment of Jesus’ coming, similarly as the apostolic time had definitely ended at the moment of death of the last of the Apostles.

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Ks. Marek Kozera, Ideały Ojców Pustyni. Pathos i apatheia, Lublin 2000, Redakcja Wydawnictw KUL, ss. 269

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Słomka J.

Vox Patrum

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2001

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tom 40

545-546

EN

review

PL

recenzja

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Orygenes o kapłaństwie i Eucharystii w "Homiliach o Księdze Kapłańskiej"

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Słomka J.

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tom 44

99-117

EN

Origen's reflections on priesthood, as well as his interpretation of the Book of Leviticus, arc based on the assumption that there exists inner priesthood which is inherent in human nature. Such priesthood means human ability to offer spiritual sacrifices to God. Origen points to the human mind as the priest in man. It is the mind that is capable of turning to God. The spiritual priesthood imposes a moral obligation on every human being. Only against this background does Origenes consider priesthood in the Old and the New Testament. The Old Testamental priesthood was established by Moses and involved the ability to make both material! and spiritual offerings. That priesthood was an anticipation of the priesthood Jesus Christ. Jesus is, at the same time, a priest and a sacrifice, thus he fulfills all the promises of the Old Testament in himself.

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Wcielenie w teologii Marcelego z Ancyry

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Słomka J.

Vox Patrum

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2000

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tom 38

157-169

EN

Marcellus perceives the incarnation of Jesus as the moment when not only does the Logos assume a human body, but a change also occurs in God himself. The change consists in the expansion of a monad into a triad. It is the second transformation already. The first one took place at the beginning of creation. It was then that the Logos passed from the State of being „in God" to being „with God". Marcellus underlines that neither the first nor the latter can be defined as generation. The term „generation refers only to Jesus' birth from Mary. The changes undergone by God, first at creation, then at the incarnation, are not of permanent nature. On the contrary, they are temporary and reversible. Upon completing the history of the world, God will return to the monadic State. The incarnation will also come to an end. Marcellus presents the incarnation as temporary and „external" in relation to the Logos. When the „carnal economy" is completed, the Logos is to return to His original State of resting „in God".

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Emmanuel Lévinas. Praise of atheism

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Słomka J.

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2020

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tom 59

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nr 4

129-146

PL

Lévinas przedstawia ateizm jako pierwotny, dobry stan duszy, przed przyjęciem lub odrzuceniem Boga. Taki opis ściśle związany jest z pojęciem separacji. Człowiek jest bytem stworzonym, ale odseparowanym, a więc samodzielnym, choć nie absolutnym. Pomimo że nie jest causa sui, może istnieć osobno. Taki opis jest radykalnie różny od opisu Augustyna, który pisze o stworzeniu jako uczestnictwie człowieka w Bogu. Podobnie, niemal literalna sprzeczność jest widoczna między twierdzeniem Lévinasa a słowami Tertuliana o duszy z natury chrześcijańskiej. Ważne różnice pokazuje też zestawienie tekstu Lévinasa z teologią K. Rahnera. Rahner przedstawia poznanie Boga jako doświadczenie transcendentalne, atematyczne. Lévinas również pisze, że poznanie Boga jest atematyczne, ale nie podziela Rahnerowego opisu doświadczenia Boga jako pierwotnego doświadczenia transcendentalnego. Według Lévinasa Bóg przychodzi z zewnątrz, przez twarz Innego. Analizy Levinasa są interesujące przede wszystkim dla teologii fundamentalnej i duchowości.

EN

Lévinas presents atheism as the original good condition of the soul before acknowledging or rejecting God. Such description is closely linked to the notion of separation. Man is a created being, but a separated one, self-contained, though not absolute. Even if not causa sui, he may exist on his own. The description is radically different from that by Augustine, who refers to creation as the participation of man in God. Similarly, there is an almost literal contradiction between the statement by Lévinas and the words of Tertullian, claiming that the soul is Christian by nature. A comparison of Levinas’ text with the theology of Karl Rahner also points to significant differences. Rahner presents the awareness of God as a transcendental, unthematic experience. Lévinas also states that the awareness of God is unthematic, however, he does not share Rahner’s description of the experience of God as the primary transcendental experience. According to Lévinas, God comes from outside through the face of the Other. Levinas’ analyses seem highly interesting for fundamental theology and the theology of spirituality.

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Starotestamentalne przymierza w interpretacji Orygenesa

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Słomka J.

Verbum Vitae

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2003

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tom 4

213-226

PL

La polémique avec les Juifs au sujet de la signification de la circoncision est l’un des motifs les plus importants de l’interprétation d’Origène sur l’alliance d’Abraham. Origène prouve qu’i l n’est pas possible de comprendre la circoncision au sens corporel. Dans son argumentation il se réfère à la typologie de Paul, voyant dans les événements de l’Ancien Testament l’annonce des événements du Nouveau Testament, mais il ne développe pas ce genre de typologie. On peut même constater qu’il évite radicalement des discussions détaillées quelle que soient, en pouvant rendre concrète cette typologie. Cette concision contraste nettement avec la prédilection pour l'interprétation spirituelle. Là, Origène approche des mentions de l’Ancien Testament sur la circoncision de la bouche, des oreilles, du coeur et il interprète en détail chacune d’elles en tant qu’un appel vers la perfection. En plus il déploie cette image sur tous les membres du corps, en attribuant à chacun d’eux une signification spirituelle. En conséquence de cette orientaton chez Origène la typologie: l’alliance-le baptême soit l’alliaince-l'Eucharistie n’apparaît pas. La matière - les signes de l’alliance n’annonçaient pas de signes materiels de sacrements. Surtout l’association de la circoncision avec le baptême serait entièrement opposée a la logique de son raisonnement. Dès qu’il souligne vivement que le signe corporel de la circoncision doit être saisi dans la perspective spirituelle, il ne peut pas désigner le baptême. Pourtant le baptême est aussi le signe matériel. Telle juxtaposition reduirait alors l’Eglise au même niveau sur lequelles Juifs demeurent, cependant l’Eglise n’est pas une simple continuation de la nation juive: les Juifs saisissaient Dieu d’une façon corporelle et les chrétiens, en revanche, - d’une façon spirituelle. L’accent mis sur «la vieillesse» et non sur la perfection d’Abraham est l’élément suivant, mais de deuxième ordre, qui éloigne l’alliance de l’interpretation d’Origène du baptême. L’alliance avec Abraham annonce alors une perfection définitive, une pleine union avec le Christ.

11

Posługa biskupa jako officium

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Słomka J.

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tom 7

409-417

EN

The word officium summarises a significant characteristic of Roman culture. It describes the Roman ideal of life as public service, i.e. a concern for salus rei publicae. Latin Christianity took over the word and its substance. The ministry of a bishop was described as exercising the officium already in the early ages. That is how Cyprian of Carthage understood the office of bishop, even though he did not use the word explicitly. Ambrose of Milan made the Roman officium a cornerstone of the formation of priests, which he described in his well-known work De officiis ministrorum. He himself exercised the office of the Bishop of Milan according to the best model of a Roman official. The tradition was further developed by Leo the Great, who pointed out that pax christiana was the fulfillment of what the Romans had expected of pax romana. Gregory the Great took over the legacy of his predecessors. However, to a greater extent than Ambrose or Leo, he perceived the tension between exercising the office accompanied by worldly cares and the spiritual dimension of bishop’s ministry. It may have been caused by the fact that, after a total disintegration of Roman administration, Gregory was forced to take on the responsibility of the perfect of Rome. His Regula pastoralis, however, provides a continuation of Ambrose’s ideas concerning the formation of clergy.

12

Radical Nature of Pope Francis’s Ecclesiology

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Woźnica A. , Słomka J.

Teologia w Polsce

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2021

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tom 15

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nr 1

107-122

PL

Jak można łatwo zauważyć, dokumenty papieża Franciszka nie dostarczają żadnej systematycznej myśli eklezjologicznej, niewątpliwie jednak jego całe nauczanie jest ufundowane na bardzo głębokiej refleksji dotyczącej Kościoła. Celem niniejszego artykułujest przedstawienie jej podstawowych założeń teologicznych. Inaczej mówiąc, chodzi w nim o znalezienie klucza lub kluczy hermeneutycznych, które pozwolą lepiej rozumieć eklezjologiczne założenia przesłania, jakie Franciszek kieruje do Kościoła w swoich dokumentach.

EN

As can be easily noticed, Pope Francis’s documents provide no systematic ecclesiological discourse, yet undoubtedly, his entire teaching is founded on a very deep understanding of the Church. Thus, the aim of this article is to present its basic theological presumptions. In other words, it seeks to find a hermeneutic key – or keys – which will allow us to better understand the ecclesiological presumptions of the message directed to the Church by Pope Francis.