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1
Content available Emigracja polska i Polonia na Półwyspie Arabskim
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tom 42
75-97
EN
The article discusses the life and activity of Poles in the countries on the Arabian Peninsula. The countries are Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Yemen (South Yemen and North Yemen after WW2), Qatar, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates. Poles had limited contacts with this part of the world in the past. Only few arrived in the peninsula. This situation changed in the 1970s when Arab states began to develop rapidly owing to funds earned from the sale of natural resources: crude oil and natural gas. As a result, they attracted scientific and technical staff as well as experts in various fields, not to mention musicians and representatives of the tourism industry. Polish women who married Arabs were also moving to the Persian Gulf. At the turn of the 20th century, the Polish communities (including earlier Poles immigrants) on the Arabian Peninsula numbered from a few to several hundred people, depending on the country. Polish individuals and families were found in Yemen and Oman, 30 in Qatar, 100 to 200 in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, and 600 in the United Arab Emirates. This last of the listed Polish communities was one of the best organised in the Arab world. For over 30 years since the Polish political and economic transformation, the Polish communities on the Arabian Peninsula have grown from several dozen (Yemen, Oman), through several hundred (Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar) to several thousand people (United Arab Emirates). Abu Dhabi, Dubai, and Sharjah continue to be most popular economic destinations for Poles and members of the Polish diaspora from the Western world.
PL
W artykule wskazuje się na pobyt i działalność Polaków w państwach położonych na terenie Półwyspu Arabskiego. Do państw tych zaliczono Arabię Saudyjską, Bahrajn, Jemen (po II wojnie światowej występował tam Jemen Południowy i Jemen Północny), Katar, Oman oraz Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie. Kontakty Polaków z tym regionem świata w przeszłości były niewielkie. Na Półwysep Arabski trafiali zatem nieliczni mieszkańcy z ziem polskich. Sytuacja ta zmieniła się od lat siedemdziesiątych XX wieku, kiedy państwa arabskie zaczęły się dynamicznie rozwijać na podstawie uzyskiwanych środków finansowych ze sprzedaży surowców naturalnych – ropy naftowej i gazu ziemnego. Dzięki temu przybywały tam kadry naukowo-techniczne oraz specjaliści z różnych dziedzin, ponadto przedstawiciele branży turystycznej i muzycy. Poprzez polsko-arabskie małżeństwa nad Zatoką Perską zamieszkały także Polki, które wyszły za mąż za Arabów. Występujące na przełomie XX i XXI wieku skupiska polskie i polonijne na Półwyspie Arabskim liczyły od kilku do kilkuset przedstawicieli, w zależności od konkretnego podmiotu międzynarodowego. Pojedyncze osoby i rodziny mieszkały w Jemenie i Omanie, 30 osób w Katarze, od 100 do 200 w Bahrajnie i Arabii Saudyjskiej, a 600 w Zjednoczonych Emiratach Arabskich. To ostatnie skupisko polonijne należało do najlepiej zorganizowanych w świecie arabskim. W ciągu 30 lat od zmian systemowych podjętych nad Wisłą, społeczności polskie i polonijne na Półwyspie Arabskim rozrosły się od skupisk kilkudziesięcioosobowych (Jemen, Oman) poprzez kilkusetosobowe (Arabia Saudyjska, Bahrajn, Katar) do kilkutysięcznych (Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie). Dalej zatem Abu Zabi, Dubaj i Szardża są miastami, w których najchętniej podejmują zatrudnienie Polacy i przedstawiciele Polonii ze świata zachodniego.
EN
The paper points to the forms of migration of Poles to North Africa after the Second World War, and the formation of Polish settlements in this part of the world. Despite the fact that Poles were arriving there since the medieval times, nevertheless the centres of Polish life took shape in the northern part of Africa since the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries these settlements would be established and disappear, and the contemporary Polish communities were established during a recent few dozen years. The Polish settlements in northern part of Africa were due to the emigration from the Polish territories in the inter-war period, then the civil and military exile from Poland from 1939 onwards, the influx of Polish scientific-technical specialists; establishment of rightful diplomatic relations between Poland and North Africa; mixed Polish-Arabian marriages, mainly due to the fact that young Arabs came to Poland to study. The representatives of Polonia in the inter-war period, the time of the war and the post-war period со-established local Polish settlements over the whole second half of the twentieth century. Few representatives are present in North Africa today, although contemporary Polish communities were dominated by Polish-Arabian mixed marriages, who began to settle there from the 1960s on. Despite that the 1650-member community in North Africa consists now only of ten per cent of Polish settlements on the Black Land, and 0.01 per cent in the world.
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tom 34
109-120
PL
This article pinpoints Polish and Polonia elites functioning in the Black Land in the second half of the twentieth century. The basic sources for this paper was Agata and Zbigniew Judycki’s study entitled Polonia. Słownik biograficzny [Polonia. A Biographic Dictionary]. In this study, 827 figures were shown who lived at the turn of the twentieth and twenty first centuries, and how played the most important role in the Polish diaspora. We find 37 surnames in the dictionaries of those who lived on the African continent; this number made up 4,47% of the total study. This value was deemed relatively high because the general number of Poles and Polonia on the Black Land was estimated at 0,1%. The African Polish and Polonia personalities at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, who might be treated as the elite, were characterized by high intellectual and professional standards. Almost all of them had graduated from universities, had learned degrees, and obtained further degrees in their professions or academic specializations. Most of the personalities in question were related to the South African region, especially the Republic of South Africa, but there were also persons living and working in North, West, Middle or East Africa. At the head of the Polish and Polonia African elites we find those working in the exact sciences or engineering. Moreover, the clergy and missionaries constituted a relatively numerous group; they were appreciated by the Catholic Church. The smallest group was represented by the representatives of the humanities and the social sciences. In the representative group one finds no artists, musicians, or filmmakers. It has been pinpointed that in the case of the Polish and Polonia settlements one should not apply the criteria that refer to the way elites function in Poland because a diaspora is characterized by specific traits, thus the elite character of the forms of activity should be understood in a broad sense.
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tom 14
20 – 42
EN
In the article it has been indicated that the first contacts of Poles with the coast of Cameroon occurred in the modern age, when travelers, seamen, and missionaries were flying the flags of foreign states and staying in the Gulf of Guinea during their cruises. The lands of Cameroon became better known to Poles during the 1880’s, at the time of an expedition commenced by Stefan Szolc-Rogoziński, who spent a few seasons by the coast of the Gulf of Guinea and, while doing so, penetrated African lands and wrote on his accomplishments in Polish and foreign press. Despite the birth of the Second Polish Republic in the after math of World War I, the contacts of Poles with the territory of Cameroon virtually remained unaltered. The Polish state, despite its efforts, was unable to establish wider contacts with the region, since it had been dominated mostly by British and French colonial metropolises. These circumstances haven’t also changed significantly during World War II and the first fifteen years after its end. After Cameroon gained independence in 1960, a certain rapprochement occurred between the country’s authorities and Central and Eastern European states, which gave rise to fully-fledged political, economic, and cultural relations. Admittedly, the Cameroonian side was the instigator, yet the Poles were the ones that proved more committed in subsequent years. Due to limitation of contacts in the 1980’s, the Polish diplomatic mission in Jaunde was closed, and its tasks were assigned to the embassy in Nigeria. The situation lasted even after 1989, when Central and Eastern Europe underwent political transformation and became independent from the Soviet Union. Changes in Polish foreign policy initiated after 1989 caused Cameroon to remain on the side track of Polish political, economic, and cultural interests. The situation wasn’t affected by the accession of Poland to the European Union in 2004. This period preserved a peripheral status of Cameroon and the rest of Central Africa among Polish relationships with the outside world. The situation remains so until this day. One should not expect a revival of Polish-Cameroonian relations occurring soon. For Poland, Cameroon is not such an attractive partner as to cause a revision of its policy towards it, since it is easy to fill Cameroon’s place with other actors located in the same part of Africa. In turn, Poland is not capable of giving Cameroon profits such as it can gain from, amongst others, France.
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tom 34
93-102
EN
One of the characteristic features of modern world are migrations of people. They are caused either by social or economic and political reasons of respective states and regions of the world. Population processes constitute, at present, a global problem. In the consequence of population’s number fast increase and the irregular economic development of the world, they still remain as an actual research question. An universal regularity of present migratory processes is a decrease of birth rate along with improving the life conditions. The highest birth rate can be observed in the poorest countries. Depopulation tendencies occur, in turn, in economically developed countries. Apart from economic factors, the differences in population increase, are also influenced by social and cultural conditions of a certain region, and the evolution of political system and programs of ruling elite. Greatly diverse is also, so called, the “quality” of contemporary migration. It is presented alike by poor, uneducated people and highly educated specialists from different fields of social and economic life.
EN
In the article development of diplomatic, economic and social-cultural contacts is pointed to between Poland and North Africa in the years 1918-1939. Research shows that the relations with North-West Africa (Maghrib) were different from the relations with North-East Africa. The Polish State that was revived after World War I, in the first years of its existence tried to establish rightful relations with both European countries and ones situated outside Europe. This situation was ensured by the so-called Versailles system in which the then powers participated. Along with establishing the international position of Poland, its leaders started forming a network of alliances with countries whose interests, at least partly, were similar to the Polish ones. France, one of the leading powers in the European continent, was numbered among the allies. With France's mediation also co-operation was developed with its colonial territories, among others, in North Africa. In particular regions of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia honorary consulates were established that were supposed to represent Poland on the territory of North Africa. Economic and cultural exchange was begun with this area and the Polish government tried to arouse interest in Polish commodities in the Maghrib region; also North African raw materials were imported to Poland. In Egypt, in turn, a Legation of the Polish Republic was brought into existence. It was the only agency of this kind in Africa. The decision to establish it was made mainly because of political reasons. Egypt, as one of the four independent African countries, could contribute to making Polish policies towards that continent more active. When this proved impossible, the region remained on the peripheries of Polish foreign policies. In the period between the two World Wars, Polish as well as Polish emigrant centers started to be formed on the North African coast that comprised between a few and 300 people. The most numerous of them were formed in Algeria and Morocco, less numerous ones in Egypt and Tunisia, whereas in Sudan, Libya and Mauritania there were only very few Poles.
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In the article it is shown that the first Polish travelers started visiting the land and islands of Greece as soon as the Middle Ages, but it was only in the modern times that several dozen accounts appeared that described the travelers' stay in that part of the Mediterranean Sea basin. In the 18th and at the beginning of the 19th century journeys to Hellas were not so popular as in the previous centuries. This resulted first of all from the inner situation of the Polish Republic that experienced a period of political and military breakdown. During the 18th century only about a dozen people from the Polish lands reached Hellas, and only a few of them left written accounts of their travels in the form of memoirs and letters. Political interests of the Polish emigrants living in the Apennine Peninsula fall on the break of the 18th century. Those activists wanted to settle military men in the lands of Peloponnesus and Ionian Islands and in this way to form the Polish-Greek Republic. However, intensive colonization in this area was not possible because of political changes in this part of Europe.
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nr 2
45-56
EN
The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d’état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland’s failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries.
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Content available Emigracja polska w Grecji po 1989 roku
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PL
In the 1980s and 1990s a Polish and Polonia community was established. It numbered several thousand people. The largest Polish population in Greece lived in Athens; there were, on the average, ca. 90 per cent emigrants. The social structure of emigrants varied. It included, among others, university graduates, physical workers, and secondary school alumni. It was mainly economic migration, although in Greece there were also political emigrants. They worked primarily in building jobs (men), or as domestic helps (women). Greece was also a transit country for Polish emigrants to overseas emigration: the United States, Canada, Australia, and to the African continent (RPA). Polish communities lived mainly near a Polish church, situated in the centre of Athens. The first Polish priest was a Jesuit, Fr. Stanisław Mól. He arrived in Athens in August 1988. Very soon he made contacts with the representatives of the Greek Catholic and Orthodox Church, the Polish diplomatic corps, especially Polish emigrants and Polonia. In 1989 a two-person Polish pastoral centre came to existence, and in the end of the 1990s three persons. Fr. Stanisław Mól organised a Polish school named after Romek Strzałkowski, the symbol of Poznań June 1956. Similarly like Polish pastoral care or the majority of emigrants, the school also functioned illegally in the light of Greek legislation, although it was tolerated by the local authorities. There was Polonia press issued in Athens: „Kurier Ateński”, „Echo Tygodnia”, „Katolik − Emigrant Polski”. A few Polish organisations worked there: Biuro Pomocy Emigrantom Polskim [The Bureau of Assistance for Polish Emigrants], and Klub Polski [The Polish Club].
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nr 4
71-84
PL
W artykule wskazuje się na proces instytucjonalizacji greckiego rynku medialnego. Proces ten zaczął kształtować się po wstąpieniu tego kraju do struktur europejskich, czyli po 1981 r. Sukcesywnie od końca lat 80. XX w. kształtował się on w oparciu o nowe inicjatywy, formy i działania. Jednakże proces ten jeszcze się nie zakończył ze względu na zmiany, do jakich doszło w ostatnim dziesięcioleciu. W tym czasie członkowie Krajowej Rady Radiofonii i Telewizji, ze względów proceduralnych związanych z trybem powoływania tego gremium, nie byli w stanie rozdzielać ani przedłużać koncesji radiowo-telewizyjnych, co wywołało kryzys medialny. Dodatkowo państwo greckie stanęło na krawędzi wypłacalności ze względu na stan jego finansów. Nowy rząd stworzył kolejną instytucję medialną, tym razem Sekretariat Generalny ds. Informacji i Komunikacji, który podlegał bezpośrednio premierowi i miał kontrolować rynek prasowo-radiowo-telewizyjny. Poza instytucjami wiodącymi za grecki rynek mediów odpowiadają także gremia wspomagające. W dużej mierze istniały one (jak ministerstwa czy urzędy centralne typu komisja telekomunikacji i poczty) znacznie wcześniej i do ich kompetencji oddano niektóre uprawnienia medialne, które pomagać miały instytucjom wiodącym w wypełnianiu swoich funkcji. Poza tym obszarem występowały treści upowszechniane w internecie, które znalazły się pod kontrolą specjalnej jednostki powołanej w ramach struktur policyjnych.
EN
The article points to the process of the institutionalization of the Greek media market. This process began to take shape after the country’s accession to the European structures, i.e. after 1981. Successively since the late 1980s, it has been shaped based on new initiatives, forms and activities. However, this process is not yet completed due to the changes that have taken place over the last decade. At that time, the members of the National Broadcasting Council, for procedural reasons related to the mode of appointment to this Council, were unable to grant or renew broadcasting licences, which led to a media crisis. In addition, the Greek state was on the brink of solvency due to the condition of its finances. The new government created another media related institution, this time the General Secretariat for Information and Communication, which reported directly to the Prime Minister, and its aim was to control the press, radio and television market. Apart from the leading institutions, supporting bodies are also responsible for the Greek media market. To a large extent, they (such as ministries or central offices like the Telecommunications and Postal Commission) existed much earlier and some media powers were handed over to them to assist the leading institutions in fulfilling their functions. Outside of this area, there was content disseminated on the Internet, which came under the control of a special unit established within the police structures.
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Article mentions realization of Polish politics towards Arab countries in 1973. It was crucial moment for the Middle Eastern relations because of the another Arab -Israeli conflict called Yom Kippur war and its results for the West world. Petroleum producers introduced embargo on the export of their product, which evoked economical crisis. Some of the assumptions from 1973 couldn’t be implemented because of the Yom Kippur War. This conflict made a huge impact on Polish perceiving of Arab countries. It brought to reorientation of Polish foreign policy towards this region.
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