Możliwość kreowania wysokiego tempa wzrostu gospodarczego zależy od zdolności krajów do osiągania odpowiednio wysokiego tempa powiększania kapitału. W gospodarce współczesnej obserwowane są olbrzymie dysproporcje w rozmiarach akumulacji kapitału rzeczowego dokonywanych przez poszczególne kraje. Na początku XXI wieku akumulacja brutto kapitału na jednego aktywnego zawodowo była prawie 60 razy większa w Ameryce Północnej niż w Afryce Subsaharyskiej. Również wysoki współczynnik Giniego jest potwierdzeniem tego zróżnicowania. Dla nakładów kapitału do zasobów pracy w gospodarce światowej kształtuje się on na poziomie około 60%. W artykule zadano zatem pytanie o źródła różnic w rozmiarach tworzonego kapitału rze-czowego. Celem podjętych badań jest przeprowadzenie analizy oddziaływania instytucji na akumulację kapitału rzeczowego, a w tym wyjaśnienie różnic w rozmiarach tworzonego kapitału w skali globalnej. W artykule wykorzystano kilka mierników stosowanych w ocenie jakości instytucji: Economic Freedom of the World (Fraser Institute), Worldwide Governance Indicators – Government Effectiveness, Rule of Law (World Bank) oraz Freedom in the World – Political Rights, Civil Liberties (Freedom House). Zmienność nakładów kapitałowych może być w dużym stopniu wyjaśniona różnicami w systemach instytucjonalnych (nawet do prawie 80%). Wzrost sprawności funkcjonowania instytucji (i tym samym poprawa wskaźników ich jakości) wydatnie zwiększa rozmiary akumulacji kapitału. Ład instytucjonalny osiągany dzięki stworzeniu odpowiednich instytucji, a także ich współdziałaniu w danej przestrzeni staje się podstawowym warunkiem wysokiej efek-tywności funkcjonowania podmiotów i całej gospodarki, kreowania dużych przyrostów potencjału wytwórczego oraz zmian strukturalnych sprzyjających dalszemu rozwojowi.
EN
The possibility of creating a high rate of economic growth depends on the ability of countries to achieve an adequately high pace of capital growth. In contemporary economy, we can observe huge disproportions in the level of capital accumulation achieved by particular economies. In the early 21st century, gross accumulation per 1 professionally active person was almost 60 times higher in North America than in Sub-Saharan Africa. Also, a high Gini coefficient is a confirmation of such disparity. For capital outlay on human resources in world economy, it is on the level of 60%. This article asks about the sources of differences in the sizes of created capital. The objective of undertaken research is to analyze the impact of institutions on capital accumulation, and to explain the disparities in the size of created capital in a global scale. In this article, several measures applied to institution quality assessment are used: Economic Freedom of the World (Fraser Institute), Worldwide Governance Indicators – Government Effectiveness, Rule of Law (World Bank) and Freedom in the World – Political Rights, Civil Liberties (Freedom House). The disparities between capital outlay may be, to a great extent, explained by the differences in institutional systems (even up to 80%). An increased institutional performance (and, at the same time, improved institution quality indicators) contributes significantly to raising the level of capital accumulation. Corporate governance achieved by creating adequate institutions and their cooperation in a given field becomes the basic determinant of a high performance of business entities and the whole economy, a big improvement of productive capacity and structural changes leading to further development.
Poland’s transformation is occurring in individuals’ attitudes and behaviour. Several years ago, the entrepreneur was associated in Poland with corruption and borderline legal activities. Today, many entrepreneurs are looked upon as positive role models. Social acceptance of entrepreneurial attitudes in Poland is growing. Increased susceptibility to entrepreneurial behaviour in society will increase the rate at which new businesses are established, enhancing market dynamics and accelerating innovative changes. In Poland, however, entrepreneurs are not seen as a positive example, unlike in the United States. Willingness to take risks, selfexpression and independence are not met with social acceptance, especially if rewarded with high incomes. The research undertaken by the author is aimed at analysing the essence of entrepreneurial attitudes and changes in the social acceptance of entrepreneurial behaviour.
The article examines the changes that have taken place in Poland’s informal institutions during the country’s political and economic transition from 1989 to 2009, as compared with other countries in Central and Eastern Europe. The author also sets out to determine to what extent the informal components of the institutional system laid the groundwork for formal institutions and whether changes in informal institutions were aimed in the right direction-whether they supplemented and reinforced the work of formal institutions. The comparative analysis of the informal components of the institutional system was based on a study of value systems, using research findings obtained by Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel as well as data from the World Values Survey. The author concludes that: a) the changes introduced in Poland’s formal institutions during the country’s political and economic transition after the fall of communism have been incompatible with the development of the informal components of the institutional system; b) Poland’s informal institutions have undergone an evolution leading to a change in value systems in a direction consistent with the processes observed in highly developed countries; c) the most far-reaching changes involved an increase in self-expression values accompanied by a weakening of conservative values; d) there was also a slight increase in indicators reflecting rational values. The level of rationalism in Poland is lower than in other transition economies such as the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. At the same time, traditional values hold strong in Poland, which, according to the author, is one of the signs of maladjustment between the informal and formal components of the institutional system (and consequently an institutional imbalance).
PL
Celem artykułu było zbadanie zmian, jakie dokonały się w instytucjach nieformalnych w okresie transformacji systemowej w Polsce na tle innych krajów Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w latach 1989-2009. Ważna była również odpowiedź na pytania, na ile nieformalne składniki układu instytucjonalnego stanowiły odpowiedni grunt dla tworzonych instytucji formalnych oraz czy zmiany w instytucjach nieformalnych miały kierunek odpowiedni, by uzupełniały i wzmacniały działanie instytucji formalnych. Analizę porównawczą nieformalnych składników systemu instytucjonalnego oparto o badania systemów wartości (głównie prace R. Inglehardta i C. Welzela) oraz studia World Values Survey. Na podstawie badań można wyciągnąć następujące wnioski: a) wprowadzane w procesie transformacji systemowej zmiany instytucji formalnych nie były zgodne z nieformalnymi składnikami układu instytucjonalnego, b) w latach 1990-2009 w Polsce nastąpiła ewolucja instytucji nieformalnych, której przejawem była zmiana systemów wartości w kierunku zbieżnym ze zmianami obserwowanymi w krajach wysokorozwiniętych, c) najsilniejsze zmiany dotyczyły wzrostu wartości ekspresyjnych, a osłabienia zachowawczych, oraz d) nastąpił niewielki wzrost wskaźników wartości racjonalnych. Poziom racjonalizmu jest w Polsce niższy niż w innych krajach transformujących się, np. Czechach, Słowacji, Węgrzech. Jednocześnie mocno utrzymują się wartości tradycyjne, co należy uznać za jeden z przejawów niedopasowania nieformalnych do formalnych składników systemu instytucjonalnego (i tym samym nierównowagi instytucjonalnej).
The paper aims at presenting the status of informal institutions in Poland as well as indicating to what degree informal components of an institutional system are a good ground for the development of market economy. In Polish society, institutions associated with self-expression values prevail over those associated with survival values, which contributes to actuating the economic activity. However, the rationalism level is low and results from much stronger connections with tradition than in the case of citizens of many highly developed countries. Low level of trust in people is an indication of relatively poor efficiency of institutions, while great inclinations for non-observance of law reflect the inconsistence of informal vs. formal institutions.
The concept of individualism, freedom, or economic order in F.A. Hayek’s theory, contains references to rules shaping people’s behavior. The author believes that every person has the right to follow his own rules. The rules are created in a spontaneous way and are not planned by anyone. Those institutions that, in terms of F.A. Hayek determine the existence and duration of societies, became the subject of considerations undertaken in this publication. The purpose of this article is to identify the informal institutions in theories announced by the Nobel Laureate. According to F.A. Hayek, there are socially valuable features that take the form of patterns and traditions shaping human behavior. Regularity appearing in actions of individuals, which is not always a direct result of a conscious action, often allows to make predictions of their behavior. The rules often forbid people to do what their instincts demand from them, they require a gradual change in people’s natural or instinctive reactions to other members of the community. This must be seen as a renunciation to the community. Individuals must submit to the operation of these social rules that are difficult to understand without special analysis. The ability to adapt determines the possibility of a society development. There is no individual able to possess the knowledge of all potentially possible situations to create an adequate system of behavior procedures. This is only possible with the help of other members of the society. As a result of “applying” their use, a type of a spontaneous order is formed. This forms the basis for developing adopted institutions. The kind of a sanction that upholds the rules, can be identified – it is the responsibility that goes beyond rules enforced by law. The purpose of the legal system is to maintain order formed spontaneously thus enabling to gain objectives by individuals. Hayek saw that in the long term, the new social rules are becoming more and more general, cease to be applicable to specific situations, but become abstract and more flexible. Spontaneous rule creation and change processes, their adaptation to changing realities cannot be replaced by an organized, purposeful order. This is due to the inability to obtain sufficient information about a variety of human behaviors and hence inability to create rules that would apply to such behavior. Creating the institutional order is a continuous process of trials and errors, a continuous experimentation of society with the rules. Hayek pointed out the barriers in shaping the institutional order and thus the social development. Their source can be non-compliance of adopted formal and informal evolutionary rules. Such a barrier affects the worse cooperation between the society members, reduces the benefits from economic activity, increases the business risk, makes the acquisition and processing of relevant information more difficult, and leads to informative chaos. Only cementing the adopted rules within rooted informal rules would allow their harmonized and effective impact on society.
The research paper presents institutional systems of economies in the following transforming countries: Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia. The article aims at indicating the changes which have taken place in informal institutions' structures since the early nineties. It also attempts to determine how informal institutions are supporting formal institutions. Heading towards building new institutional systems, transforming countries face a barrier of slowly evolving informal institutions. A mismatch between institutional structures can be noticed in transforming countries. Low level of trust in people, resistance to new ideas, strong attachment to traditional behavioural patterns and excessive role of “connections”, relatively low level of self-expression, high expec-tations towards the state and its welfare functions, and low social activity within the society, can be observed. The institutional changes in informal components have been presented using data from World Values Survey, CEPII and G.Hofstede research.
Poland’s transformation occurs in individuals’ attitudes and behaviour. Several years ago, the entrepreneur in Poland was associated with corruption and border-line legal activities. Today, many entrepreneurs are looked upon as positive role models. Social acceptance of entrepreneurial attitudes in Poland is growing. Increased susceptibility to entrepreneurial behaviour in a society will increase the rate at which new businesses are established, enhancing market dynamics, and accelerating innovative changes. But in Poland entrepreneurs are not seen as a positive example, unlike in the United States. Willingness to take risks, self-expression and independence are not met with social acceptance, especially if rewarded with high incomes. The research undertaken by the author is aimed at analysing the essence of entrepreneurial attitudes and changes in the social acceptance of entrepreneurial behaviour.
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Glycosylation is the most common chemical process of protein modification and occurs in every living cell. Disturbances of this process may be either congenital or acquired. Congenital disorders of glycosylation (CDG) are a rapidly growing disease family, with about 50 disorders reported since its first clinical description in 1980. Most of the human diseases have been discovered recently. CDG result from defects in the synthesis of the N- and O-glycans moiety of glycoproteins, and in the attachment to the polypeptide chain of proteins. These defects have been found in the activation, presentation, and transport of sugar precursors, in the enzymes responsible for glycosylation, and in proteins that control the traffic of component. There are two main types of protein glycosylation: N-glycosylation and O-glycosylation. Most diseases are due to defects in the N-glycosylation pathway. For the sake of convenience, CDG were divided into 2 types, type I and II. CDG can affect nearly all organs and systems. The considerable variability of clinical features makes it difficult to recognize patients with CDG. Diagnosis can be made on the basis of abnormal glycosylation display. In this paper, an overview of CDG with a new nomenclature limited to the group of protein N-glycosylation disorders, clinical phenotype and diagnostic approach, have been presented. The location, reasons for defects, and the number of cases have been also described. This publication aims to draw attention to the possibility of occurrence of CDG in each multisystem disorder with an unknown origin.
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Glycosylation is a form of post-translational modification of proteins and occurs in every living cell. The carbohydrate chains attached to the proteins serve various functions. There are two main types of protein glycosylation: N-glycosylation and O-glycosylation. In this paper, we describe the O-glycosylation process and currently known congenital disorders of glycosylation associated with defects of protein O-glycosylation. This process takes place in the cis Golgi apparatus after N-glycosylation and folding of the proteins. The O-glycosylation is essential in the biosynthesis of mucins, the formation of proteoglycan core proteins and blood group proteins. Most common forms of O-glycans are the mucin-type glycans. There are more than 20 known disorders related to O-glycosylation disturbances. We review 8 of the following diseases linked to defects in the synthesis of O-xylosylglycans, O-N acetylgalactosaminylglycans, O-xylosyl/N-acetylglycans, O-mannosylglycans, and O-fucosylglycans: multiple exostoses, progeroid variant of Ehlers-Danlos syndrome, progeria, familial tumoral calcinosis, Schneckenbecken dysplasia, Walker-Warburg syndrome, spondylocostal dysostosis type 3, and Peter's plus syndrome. Causes of these diseases include gene mutations and deficiency of proteins (enzymes). Their diagnosis includes syndromic presentation, organ-specific expression and laboratory findings.
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