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The iron or rustproof Felix?: Felix Dzerzhinsky as a symbol of revolutionary fanaticism, trivialization of injustice and dubious democracy in Soviet and Post-Soviet era Russia

100%

Sniegon T. , Medková B.

2022

tom 29

nr 3

772-795

The article discusses the cult associated with the personality of Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky (1877–1926), a revolutionary and the founder of the political police in the Soviet Union, and the changing meanings of this cult in various stages of the history of the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia. Thanks to Dzerzhinsky, as the head of the most significant repressive component, Soviet state terror acquired a very specific institutionalized form. The image of Dzerzhinsky as the basis for the mythologizing of the Soviet political police became very useful in all stages of the development of the Soviet system, most significantly for the development of the cult being the period after the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956. Even later, despite many revelations of the crimes of communism, the glorification of Felix Dzerzhinsky and the trivialization of the terror he introduced has not completely disappeared. The myth about the founder of the “Cheka” remained very similar or even identical in its main features in all these periods, but its functions varied in time. State security officials in Russia still call themselves “Chekists” in reference to Dzerzhinsky’s VChK/Cheka. The author therefore concludes that his cult has become more useful for state power in the Kremlin in the long run than the cults of other Soviet-era leaders, including Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin.

Studie se zabývá kultem spojeným s osobností Felixe Edmundoviče Dzeržinského (1877–1926), revolucionáře a zakladatele politické policie v Sovětském svazu, a proměnami tohoto kultu v různých etapách dějin SSSR a postsovětského Ruska. Jako vedoucí nejvýznamnější represivní složky, známé pod zkratkou Čeka, stál Dzeržinskij jasně v pozadí zcela konkrétní institucionalizované podoby sovětského státního teroru. Jak autor ukazuje, obraz Dzeržinského jako základ mytologizace sovětské politické policie se stal velmi užitečným ve všech etapách vývoje sovětského systému, přičemž nejvýznamnější pro rozvoj tohoto kultu bylo paradoxně období po dvacátém sjezdu Komunistické strany Sovětského svazu v roce 1956. Glorifikace Felixe Dzeržinského a banalizace teroru, který zavedl, zcela nezmizely ani později, navzdory mnoha odhalením zločinů komunismu. Zatímco mýtus o zakladateli Čeky zůstával po celou dobu v hlavních rysech podobný, nebo dokonce totožný, jeho funkce se časem proměňovaly. Odkaz na Dzeržinského represivní organizaci je dodnes přítomný ve způsobu, jakým sami sebe označují příslušníci ruské státní bezpečnosti („čekisté“). Autor proto dochází k závěru, že kult tohoto muže se stal pro státní moc v Kremlu dlouhodobě užitečnějším než kulty jiných vůdců sovětské éry, včetně Vladimira Iljiče Lenina a Josifa Vissarionoviče Stalina.

Poslankyně neruského původu v sovětském parlamentu, 1989-1991: intersekcionalita v imperiální situaci

100%

Sablin I. , Medková B.

nr 1

44-69

The study focuses on the position of female deputies of non-Russian descent in parliamentary debates on the perestroika in the last years of the existence of Soviet Union. The key issues the author examines concern the hardships – as defined by the English term “grievances”, which denotes a variety of sources of political deprivation resulting in collective acts – these female deputies were pointing out, and what potential solutions they were proposing to mitigate or eliminate them. The most important forum where these debates were taking place was the Congress of People’s Deputies (S’ezd narodnykh deputatov), which arose from partly pluralistic elections, was the highest body of state authority of the Soviet Union from 1989 to 1991, and meant a significant progress in Gorbachev’s reform Communist leadership’s efforts to democratize the political system. Gender-wise, the body was very unbalanced as women accounted for just 352 out of its 2,250 elected members. The author work with stenographic records of speeches of the female deputies of non-Russian descent delivered during five sessions of the Congress of People’s Deputies, viewing them through a prism of concepts of “intersectionality” and “imperial situation”, which permit capturing the diversity of its composition and acts in the form of relations between various social categories (nationality/ethnicity, gender, region, profession etc.), their overlapping and self-categorization of players. The speeches of the female deputies often accentuated national grievances and hardships, which fact is indicative of a considerable importance of nationalism in Soviet discussions about the perestroika and in the systemic crisis of the USSR at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. However, they also show that viewing problems in a nationalism-tinged perspectives did not necessarily mean seeking a nationalist solution, as many of the female deputies preferred looking for a solution within the Soviet Union to that consisting in sovereignty or even independence of its republics. The female deputies also insistently reflected urgent social, economic, professional, environmental, and local problems. The final part of the article describes political careers of the female deputies after the disintegration of the Soviet Union.