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EN
Very good political and economic relations between Djibouti and Ethiopia can be treated as an exceptional case in such a conflict‑ridden region as the Horn of Africa. Ethio‑Djiboutian cooperation owes its ‘renaissance’ mostly to the consequences of the Eritrean‑Ethiopian War (1998‑2000) that left Ethiopia without direct access to a sea basin. Today, almost 90 per cent of Ethiopia’s imports arrive via the port of Djibouti, while Ethiopia receives 95 per cent of the Djiboutian regional exports. One of the major infrastructure projects that should even enhance this interstate cooperation is the renovation of the Addis Ababa‑Djibouti railway network. On the international level both countries are committed to the question of security, peace, and stability in the Horn of Africa (e.g. they are engaged in Somali and South Sudanese peace processes). The aim of the article is to analyze this specific personification of interstate cooperation, taking into account the conceptual framework imposed by the definition of ‘interstate cooperation’ proposed by Robert Keohane back in the 1980s. Moreover, the author attempts to look into the reasons behind the development of such good relations, seeking an answer to the question whether or not they are really mutually beneficial.
Afryka
|
2017
|
nr 46
41-72
EN
The article analyzes the historical-political determinants of statehood crises in Guinea-Bissau. In the post-independence history of this country, there is a tendency to take political power by military coups, and the continual attempts to exert influence by high-ranking commanders of the armed forces on, an anyhow unstable, domestic political scene. Since the introduction of the multi-party system in 1994, none of Guinea-Bissauan presidents has succeeded in reaching the end of his mandate. This phenomenon is recognised as the fundamental and systemic cause of the statehood crises plaguing Guinea-Bissau. By presenting the turning points in its recent history and the international context, especially in the regional dimension, the author seeks to diagnose the causes of the continually unstable and fragile political situation in Guinea-Bissau.
EN
The image of Africa as a main drug smuggling transit point has emerged relatively recently. Almost till the 1970s it was thought that the drug problem did not apply to the African continent. But one decade was enough to change this vision and make Africa, and especially West Africa, be seen as an important transit point for drugs (mainly cocaine and heroin) produced in South America and Asia. International efforts to combat drug trafficking in West Africa have been so far unsuccessful. Moreover, since 2005 it has been observed an increase in drug smuggling operations on a large scale in this region, carried out mainly by nationals of Latin America and Europe, with use of new ‘popular' transit points located in small West African countries, such as: the Gambia, Guinea, or titular Guinea-Bissau, to which a few years ago the international press attached the label of “the first African narco-state”. The development of narco-business in Guinea-Bissau is most often associated with its state dysfunctionality problems, this article is trying to analyse the roots of this phenomenon, as well as the influence it may have on the country itself, as well as on the whole region.
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