Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Dariusz Krajewski, Stosunki USA i Iranu za prezydentury Mahmouda Ahmadinejada. Analiza sfery doktrynalnej irańskiej polityki zagranicznej, Wyd. Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2011, ss. 161

100%

Czornik K.

|

tom 38

250-255

2

Charles Tripp, Historia Iraku, przeł. Katarzyna Pachniak, Wydawnictwo Książka i Wiedza, Warszawa 2009, ss. 400

100%

Czornik K.

|

2011

|

tom 27

181-186

3

New accents in the U.S.-Iran relations. The perspective of Joe Biden’s administration

100%

Czornik K.

Stosunki Międzynarodowe - International Relations

|

2022

|

tom 58

25-41

EN

The main aim of this article is to determine the leading interests and objectives, both articulated and unarticulated, in Joe Biden’s Iran policy, as well as to present the determining factors which could lead to a potential reorientation of American policy towards this state. The article also aims to identify elements of continuity and change in Biden’s Iran strategy as compared to the Trump administration. The main hypothesis of the article assumes that contrary to the Trump administration, Joe Biden has given priority to dialogue and diplomacy with Iran. However, the dialogue is not unconditional and does not constitute a sum of compromises on the part of the United States (U.S). The paper points that the objective of Joe Biden’s administration is to introduce new accents through partial departure from the strategy pursued by the Trump administration focused on sustaining purposefully and deliberately hostile relations with Iran, intentionally presented as a backlash state, which allowed the U.S. to favour and strengthen its allies and Iran’s adversaries in the Middle East – Israel and Saudi Arabia. The two leading goals in the new administration’s policy towards Tehran are to persuade Iran’s authorities to return to compliance with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which would become a platform for negotiating a new nuclear agreement, and to stop Iran’s support for Shia militias in Iraq and Syria. The key factor to determine the success or failure of such strategy is the victory of an ultraconservative candidate Ebrahim Raisi in the presidential election in 2021.

4

Stosunki amerykańsko-saudyjskie na przestrzeni XX i XXI wieku

100%

Czornik K.

|

2012

|

tom 36

205-227

EN

The relationship between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United States of America is based on mutual respect and common interests – economic, political, technological and social. This relationship has never been an easy one. The U.S. -Saudi friendship, which began eighty years ago, has survived many regional conflicts, global challenges and bilateral crises (such as the one in the aftermath of September 11, 2001). The analysis of the strong and weak points in these relations shows that Saudi Arabia, regardless of its political and social regime, has for decades and without interruption constituted a crucial element of the American presence in the Middle-Eastern region, one of the cornerstones of the American policy in the Middle East and a source of American long-term economic ties with this region. On the one hand, Washington officially raises the problem of human rights violations and limited religious freedom in Saudi Arabia and some members of the U.S. Congress are skeptical about Riyadh’s declarations of its efforts to curtail religious extremism and to support the goals of the American foreign policy towards the Middle East and the South-east Asia. On the other hand, both the George W. Bush administration and the Barack Obama administration consistently indicated Saudi Arabia as an important economic, military and political partner in the region. The present article seeks to analyse the U.S.–Saudi relationship in the 20th and 21st centuries – to determine the leading tendencies in the bilateral relations between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia, to point out the main phases in these relations and to highlight the periods of particular intensity or stagnation in such relations. The article will also focus on the main areas of cooperation and conflicting interests between Riyadh and Washington, both during the Cold War and after its end.

5

Zmiana układu sił w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu w XXI wieku. Wybrane aspekty

100%

Czornik K.

|

2018

|

tom 23

PL

Abstrakt: Zmiana układu sił w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu w XXI wieku. Wybrane aspekty Celem podjętym w niniejszym artykule jest dokonanie analizy wybranych aspektów zmiany układu sił w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu (w tym w subregionie Zatoki Perskiej) w XXI wieku. Celem pozostaje również określenie wpływu czynników wewnątrzregionalnych i zewnętrznych na bliskowschodni układ sił, a także syntetyczne omówienie pozycji głównych aktorów areny bliskowschodniej oraz ukazanie elementów ciągłości i zmiany w rolach pełnionych przez mocarstwa regionalne w tej części globu. Słowa kluczowe: Bliski Wschód, mocarstwo regionalne, wojna zastępcza, Zatoka Perska Abstract: Change in the balance of power in the Middle East region in the 21st century. Selected aspects The main aim of this article is to analyze selected aspects of the evolution of the balance system in the Middle East (including the Persian Gulf subregion) in the 21st century. The aim is also to determine the impact of intra‑regional and external factors on the Middle East balance of power, as well as to analyze the position of the main actors in the Middle East and to show the continuity and changes in the roles of the regional powers in this part of the globe.Key words: The Middle East, regional power, proxy war, the Persian Gulf

6

Dilemmas of Political Parallelism: Polish Weekly Opinion Magazines in the Face of the Migration Crisis of 2015

51%

Kolczyński M. , Zemła B. , Czornik K.

|

2023

|

tom 80

27-41

PL

W niniejszym artykule poddano analizie aktywność nadawców medialnych w trakcie trwania kryzysu migracyjnego w 2015 roku, którego apogeum przypadało na okres kampanii poprzedzającej wybory parlamentarne w Polsce. W tym kontekście, przy silnych afiliacjach politycznych tygodników opinii działających na polskim rynku prasy, można było oczekiwać silnej ekspozycji problematyki związanej z kryzysem migracyjnym, który stał się jednym z wiodących tematów w kampanii parlamentarnej. W niniejszym opracowaniu poddano analizie 207 wydań następujących tygodników opinii: „Newsweek”, „Polityka”, „wSieci” oraz „Do Rzeczy” – w celu określenia medialnej rangi tematyki migracyjnej oraz stopnia i charakteru paralelizmu politycznego badanych mediów (politycznego/aksjologicznego lub partyjnego profilowania przekazów medialnych). W badaniach wykorzystano metodę analizy zawartości, z odwołaniem do koncepcji framingu.

EN

Within the article activity of media broadcasters during the migration crisis of 2015 has been analysed – the crisis whose peak coincided with the period of political campaign preceding the parliamentary elections in Poland. In this context, strong emphasis on issues related to the migration crisis, which had become one of the leading themes of the parliamentary campaign, could have been expected in Polish press market, especially taking into consideration strong political affiliations of weekly opinion magazines existing in the said market at the time. In the presented article, 207 issues of the following opinion weeklies have been analysed: “Newsweek”, “Polityka”, “wSieci” and “Do Rzeczy”, in order to determine the media importance of migration-related themes and of the level of political parallelism of the studied media (political/axiological or party profiling of media releases). The study used the content analysis method with reference to the concept of framing.