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Przywództwo polityczne w Unii Europejskiej - traktaty i praktyka

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Nitszke A.

tom 15 - Przywództwo polityczne w Polsce i na świecie

291-321

When studying the phenomenon of political leadership in the European Union, one must take into account both the treaty solutions and political praxis. The subsequent analysis may lead to some interesting conclusions. One such conclusion illuminates the fact that the category of political leadership in the EU differs from the understanding of this phenomenon at the state level. In the EU, there are several operators exercising political leadership. Both at the intergovernmental level and the supranational cooperative level. The EU is an example of an organization that employs a distributed model of political leadership as a result of treaty solutions which in turn confirms the praxis.

Postrzeganie Grupy Wyszehradzkiej i Inicjatywy Trójmorza w niemieckiej przestrzeni politycznej

100%

Nitszke A.

nr 3 (384)

97-110

Contemporary relations between Germany and Central and Eastern Europe are determined by several factors. After the reunification of Germany, the country experienced some of the difficulties of the political and economic transformation due to the need to adjust conditions in the five eastern federal states, which allowed successive German governments to understand better the experience of the Central European states. Another factor influencing Germany's involvement in this region of Europe is its geographical proximity and the resulting interest in the stabilization of this region. After the accession of Central European countries to the European Union, Germany became a link between the old and the new, Western and Eastern Europe. In intra-EU relations there arise increasingly frequently certain more or less institutionalized intermediate entities, situated between the level of the EU and the Member States. The Visegrad Group and the Three Seas Initiative that associate the countries of Central and Eastern Europe are examples of such cooperation forums. The aim of the article is to analyze the perception of both these international bodies in the German political space. The hypothesis that in relations with the V4 and 3SI Germany follows pragmatism, not perceiving the V4 and 3SI as competitors or closest partners, will be tested. The article is based on qualitative research methods, primarily the content analysis method, institutional-legal and comparative methods,