Armenia in a Triangle of Great Power Management: Regional Competition on the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict

• Autorzy: Harutyun Voskanyan

Warianty tytułu

Armenia w trójkącie zarządzania mocarstw: regionalna rywalizacja na tle konfliktu w Górskim Karabachu

• Języki publikacji: EN

Abstrakty

Celem artykułu jest zbadanie interesów i podejść w polityce zagranicznej trzech mocarstw regionalnych - Iranu, Rosji i Turcji na tle konfliktu w Górskim Karabachu w 2020 roku. W badaniu autor weryfikuje tezę, że w efekcie konfliktu ww. państwa zmieniły metody realizacji swoich interesów w regionie na współpracę opartą o instrumenty soft power. Tym samym odeszły od prowadzenia nieprzewidywalnej konfrontacji geopolitycznej. Badanie opiera się na metodach analizy polityki zagranicznej i analizy porównawczej dyskursu politycznego trzech mocarstw regionalnych w zastosowaniu do konfliktu w Górskim Karabachu z wykorzystaniem podejścia Great Power Management (GPM) angielskiej szkoły stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor dochodzi do wniosku, że dominacja interesów narodowych Rosji, Turcji i Iranu, zamaskowana ideowymi koncepcjami w ramach GPM, zasadniczo różni się od zasad multilateralizmu, którymi kieruje się Unia Europejska w ramach liberalnego paradygmatu rozwiązywania konfliktu w Górskim Karabachu.(abstrakt oryginalny)

EN

The aim of the article is to examine the foreign policy approaches and interests of three regional powers - Iran, Russia and Turkey before the Second Karabakh war in 2020. The study argues that dissatisfaction with the results of the conflict, forced these countries to further advance their interests in the region through cooperation and regional influence by soft power rather than waging an unpredictable geopolitical confrontation. The study is based on the methods of foreign policy analysis and comparative analysis of political discourse of the three regional powers in application to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict using the Great Power Management (GPM) approach of the English School of International Relations. The study puts forward the idea that the predominance of the national interests of Russia, Turkey and Iran, disguised with ideational concepts in the framework of the GPM is fundamentally different from the principles of multilateralism, driven by the European Union and the West within the liberal paradigm of resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.(original abstract)

Słowa kluczowe

PL

Rywalizacja; Konflikty zbrojne; Interes narodowy; Dyplomacja

EN

Rivalry; Armed conflicts; National interest; Diplomacy

• Czasopismo: Przegląd Europejski
• Rocznik: 2022
• Numer: nr 1
• Strony: 145-160

Twórcy

autor

Harutyun Voskanyan

• University of Warsaw (Warsaw, Poland)

Bibliografia

• 1. 2020 NAGORNO-KARABAKH CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT (2020), https://karabakh.org/treaties/2020-nagorno-karabakh-ceasefire-agreement/ (09.11.2020).
• 2. ALBRIGHT Madeleine (2018), Fascism: A Warning, Harper.
• 3. BAŞKAN Birol (2018), Islamism and Turkey's foreign policy during the Arab Spring, "Turkish Studies": vol. 19, issue 2, DOI: 10.1080/14683849.2017.1405346
• 4. BEILINSON Orel (2019), Turkish-Azerbaijani Relations. One Nation - Two States?, "Comparative Southeast European Studies", vol. 67(1), https://doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2019-0009
• 5. BRZEZINSKI Zbigniew (1989), The Grand Failure: The Birth and Death of Communism in the Twentieth Century, New York.
• 6. BUZAN Barry (2001), The English School: An Underexploited Resource in IR, "Review of International Studies", vol. 27(3), http://www.jstor.org/stable/20097749 https://doi.org/10.1017/S0260210501004715
• 7. BULL Hedley, WATSON Adam (1984), The Expansion of International Society, Oxford.
• 8. CEASEFIRE AGREEMENT (1994), Ceasefire Agreement Signed in Bishkek, Peace Agreements Database, https://www.peaceagreements.org/view/990 (11.05.1994).
• 9. CENGIZ Sinem (2021), Turkey, Iran flex muscles in tacit regional power struggle, "Arab News", https://arab.news/5d2da (26.02.2021).
• 10. CHENEY Dick (1993), Defense Strategy for the 1990s: The Regional Defense Strategy, January 1993, https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/ADA268979.pdf (01.02.2022). https://doi.org/10.21236/ADA268979
• 11. CUI Shunji, BUZAN Barry (2016), Great Power Management in International Society, "The Chinese Journal of International Politics", vol. 9 (2). https://doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pow005
• 12. DAVUTOĞLU Ahmet (2010), Turkey's Zero-Problems Foreign Policy, "Foreign Policy Journal", https://foreignpolicy.com/2010/05/20/turkeys-zero-problems-foreign-policy/ (20.05.2010).
• 13. EDELSTEIN Daniel (2021), Potential Gains for Israel After Azerbaijan's Victory in Nagorno-Karabakh, Just Security Organization, https://www.justsecurity.org/75135/potential-gains-for-israel-afterazerbaijans-victory-in-nagorno-karabakh/ (10.03.2021).
• 14. ELKIND Jonathan (2005), Economic Implications of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Pipeline, in: S. Frederick Starr, Svante E. Cornell (eds), The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Pipeline: Oil Window to the West, Washington.
• 15. ESFANDIARI Golnaz (2020), Trying To Be Neutral: Iran Worried Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Could Turn Into Wider War, Radio "Free Europe", https://www.rferl.org/a/iran-worried-nagorno-karabakh-conflict-could-spread-azerbaijan-armenia/30883022.html (08.10.2020).
• 16. FUKUYAMA Francis (1992), The end of history and the last man, The Free Press, Reissue Edition.
• 17. HAKOBYAN Anahit (2016), State propaganda through public education: Armenia and Azerbaijan, "Journal of Conflict Transformation", Caucasus Edition, http://caucasusedition.net/state-propaganda-through-public-education-armenia-and-azerbaijan/ (04.04.2016).
• 18. HASHEM Ali (2020), Between a rock and hard place: Iran's dilemma in Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, "Al-Monitor", https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2020/10/iran-dilemma-nagorno-karabakhazerbaijan-armenia-mediate.html

Identyfikatory

DOI

10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.22.10