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Ideological Control in Public and Business Organizations

Lewandowski R. A.

Nowoczesne Systemy Zarządzania

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2017

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T. 12, nr 2

17--29

EN

Control is the fundamental function of management, but companies due to the increasingly turbulent environment and public organizations because of purposes ambiguity have to seek more flexible forms of control aimed at self-control. Thus, both sanctions and rewards associated with the control system must be less associated with factors that are external to the organizational member and more with internal stimuli associated with the inner satisfaction and a sense of fulfillment. Such an option seems to offer ideological control. The paper is an analysis of ideology as an effective form of control in organizations. Therefore, the fundamental issues of the regarded ideology and control mechanisms related to it have been discussed. The direct appeal to ideology, as a fundamental element of normative control, offers the opportunity to exploit a large body of knowledge from sociology and political science in the service of organizations and management research. Ideological control as an organizational process consists of several stages. In the first stage, employees’ individual ideologies relating to the organization are modified or replaced by the ideology preferred by the organization. Replacement or modification of the ideology usually is rendered by showing the way of transformation from the current criticized reality to the desired vision of the future determined by the new ideology. If members of the organization accept the criticism of the present reality and are attracted by the vision of the future determined by the ideology, they will act in accordance to this ideology. Ideology determines which actions are beneficial to the organization, and which are harmful. Therefore, an organisational actor, whose actions are consistent with the ideology, would obtain rewards, and those whose actions are illegitimate would suffer from sanctions.

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Legitimacy of the political power in post-Soviet Central Asian countries

Konopelko A.

Ekonomia i Zarządzanie

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2014

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Vol. 6, no. 4

42--53

EN

The research paper aims to identify the determinants of political legitimacy in post-Soviet countries of Central Asia, to analyse the specific model of leadership in the region and to study the main directions of political transition from totalitarianism to authoritarianism in the Central Asian systems including paradigms of political power. In post-Soviet countries of Central Asia, the remains of a former regime are reflected both in the traditional mentality and in the informal or formal oligarchic and clan political connections. The authorities represent the model of the „neopatrimonial” authoritarian regime with a super-presidential ruling. A specific phenomenon is the significance of a strong leader based on its own ruling party or the armed forces. Elections in the countries have lost their character of a free political competition. Although the elections are held regularly, they do not provide an opportunity to transfer power. Their only purpose is to legitimize it so they have become a plebi-scite for presidential popularity rather than a democratic form of people’s representation.

PL

Celem artykułu jest identyfikacja uwarunkowań legitymacji (legitymizacji) politycznej w postradzieckich krajach Azji Centralnej, analiza specyficznego modelu przywództwa w regionie i głównych kierunków transformacji politycznej od totalitaryzmu do autorytaryzmu przy uwzględnieniu paradygmatów władzy politycznej. W postradzieckich krajach Azji Centralnej pozostałości poprzedniego reżimu są widoczne zarówno w tradycyjnej mentalności, jak i formalnych i nieformalnych powiązaniach klanowych i oligarchicznych. Władza reprezentuje model „neopatrymonialnego” autorytarnego reżimu z superprezydenckim systemem rządów. Specyficzna jest silna pozycja przywódcy oparta na partii rządzącej bądź na armii. Wybory utraciły swój charakter wolnej politycznej rywalizacji. Pomimo, że są regularnie organizowane, nie gwarantują alternacji władzy, a jedynie legitymizują dotychczasową. Stanowią one raczej plebiscyt prezydenckiej popularności niż demokratyczną formę reprezentacji narodu.

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Mit początku nowej państwowości jako kategoria legitymizacyjna w PRL na przykładzie wybranych filmów fabularnych

Polniak Ł.

Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki

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2011

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Nr 2

84-99

PL

Celem tekstu jest ukazanie mitu początku nowej państwowości jako kategorii legitymizującej państwo i system polityczny powstały w Polsce po roku 1945. W tym celu dokonano analizy wybranych filmów fabularnych powstających w latach 1956-1989 jako nośników treści propagandowo-legitymizacyjnych, a następnie wyodrębnienia i wskazania – na podstawie ich analizy – głównych elementów składowych tworzących mit początku. Celem tekstu jest także próba umieszczenia mitu początku wśród tradycyjnych modeli legitymizacyjnych oraz wskazanie jego głównych cech.

EN

This article attempts to reconstruct the mythology surrounding the beginnings of the statehood of the Polish People’s Republic after the Second World War. As the means of conveying political propaganda, myths were primarily propagated in the Polish war movies of the period 1956 through 1989. The myth pertaining to the origin of statehood aimed to legitimize the roots of the communist system in Poland. As such, it is the part of a broader mythology which developed over centuries in the national consciousness, the “myth of Polish statehood." It was used by the communists as propaganda after the Second World War. Its other mythological components include: permanence, reference to tradition and nationalism. Its main elements are: the portraying of the beginning of statehood as a drama, the myth of the army as an institution and the myth of the soldier as a charismatic figure, the myth of Western and Northern territories and the myth of the Bieszczady mountains as the new Polish Eastern Borderlands, the myth of the lost patriot hero, the myth of the folk hero and the myth of widespread support for the new state authorities in the years 1944-1947. It is important to note the attempts to connect the nationalistic (anti-German and anti-Ukrainian) threads with the elements of military ethos. It appears that after 1956 the current socialist realism was replaced by the myths of the beginning and the military ethics.