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Covert action vs akiwnyje mieoprijatija : rywalizacja CIA i KGB w aspekcie tajnych operacji wywiadu w okresie zimnej wojny

Kamiński Mariusz Antoni

Wiedza Obronna

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2022

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nr 2

155--172

PL

W artykule przestawiono zmagania amerykańskiej Centralnej Agencji Wywiadowczej (CIA) i radzieckiego Komitet Bezpieczeństwa Państwowego (KGB) w aspekcie pozainformacyjnych operacji wywiadowczych w czasie zimnej wojny. Działanie te określane w Stanach Zjednoczonych jako „covert action”, a w Związku Radzieckim jako „akiwnyje mieoprijatija” polegały m.in. na wywieraniu wpływu na sytuację polityczną, ekonomiczną lub militarną innych państw, np. poprzez inspirowanie zamachów stanu, akcje paramilitarne, zabójstwa, szkolenie i finansowanie zbrojnych oddziałów, czy też stosowanie „czarnej” propagandy. Tajne operacje były skutecznym narzędziem w rękach CIA i KGA, mieszczącym się pomiędzy tradycyjną dyplomacją a otwartym konfliktem zbrojnym, choć jednocześnie były niezgodne z prawem międzynarodowym. Porównanie metod działania obu organizacji wywiadowczych w okresie zimnej wojny wskazuje, że stosowały one dość podobne środki w operacjach zagranicznych, natomiast istotnie różniły się, co do realizacji tajnych operacji w polityce wewnętrznej państwa.

EN

The article presents the struggles of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the Committee for State Security (KGB) in the aspect of clandestine intelligence operations during the Cold War. These activities were referred to as "covert action" (in the United States) and "akiwnyje mieoprijatija" (in the Soviet Union). They meant operations prepared by intelligence services with the purpose of influencing political, economic or military conditions abroad, e.g. by inspiring coups, paramilitary actions, attempted assassination, training and financing armed units, or using "black" propaganda. Covert action were an effective tool in the hands of the CIA and the KGA. On the one hand, there were a little more potent than traditional diplomacy and a little less offensive than the overt use of military force. On the other hand, they were illegal under international law. A comparison of the methods of operation of both intelligence organizations during the Cold War shows that they used quite similar means in foreign operations, but significantly differed in the implementation of covert action in the internal policy of the state.

2

Ukraine’s Fight for Democracy and a new Limited Cold War

Stanton Don

Przegląd Nauk o Obronności

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2022

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R. 7, Nr 13

28--47

EN

Analysis of geopolitical changes in the world resulting from Russia's aggression in Ukraine in 2022. Methods: The research methods include the analysis of reports and documentation and the current political and military situation. Results: The article answers four research questions: 1) To what extent does Ukraine represent a pivotal point in a limited Cold War with Russia countering the expansion of democracy? 2) What is the future of Ukraine and what issues remained to be resolved? 3) What are the differences between the Cold War of 1947-91 and today's limited Cold War? 4) Why did the West not want to believe that Russia would attack Ukraine? Three reasons are articulated: the West was blinded by the vision of "pursuing peace through trade" (especially in the field of energy). Conclusions: Ukraine's valiant struggle to save its democracy from Vladimir Putin's brutal invasion is the pivotal point of our time. As countries and companies seek to return to or maintain relations with Russia despite the brutal war that has disrupted the world order, it remains to be seen how long democratic nations will be able to maintain their unity. . On one side are the democratic nations of the West, the Pacific and NATO, and on the other are autocratic Russia, China and their allies. This is a renewed but limited Cold War that will dominate nations for decades to come.

3

Outer Space Treaty and Land Grab : False Security?

Zarzycki-Siek Jerzy

Kwartalnik Bellona

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2022

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Nr 1

63--78

EN

The article explores origins of the outer space law in context of strategic considerations of powers that drafted it - the USA and USSR. It concludes that contrary to common perception, outer space law does not prohibit land grab, but rather has frozen this question for the time being while leaving backdoors to such action if needed. Both powers were aware of this and explicitly aimed at this type of solution since on one hand, they wanted stability that law can provide by preventing the other side from gaining advantage, on the other hand, at the same time they were unwilling to forfeit possibility of gaining it themselves. As result, law of outer space, embodied in Outer Space Treaty (OST), became ambiguous, vague and open for interpretation, whereas dominant perception and opinion was that Treaty declared the entirety of outer space a common heritage of mankind in a clear and definitive manner. The fact that it was not so was not immediately apparent. In recent years, changes in space access costs have altered calculation of risks to rewards, and eliminated previous strategic considerations that stopped space powers from executing backdoors baked into the OST. As result some states - notably the USA - are becoming more assertive in realm of space in order to prevent their rivals from using those backdoors first, preparing their utilization while maintaining that their actions are perfectly legal and legitimate.

PL

W artykule omówiono początki prawa kosmicznego w kontekście obaw strategicznych mocarstw, które je stworzyły - USA i ZSRR. W przeciwieństwie do powszechnej opinii prawo kosmiczne nie zapobiega tzw. land grab, czyli zagarnięciu terytorium niczyjego. Na gruncie tego prawa kwestia ta bowiem została zamrożona na czas nieokreślony, ale pozostały furtki do podjęcia takich działań w razie potrzeby. Obydwa mocarstwa celowo do tego dążyły. Z jednej strony pragnęły stabilności, jaką daje umowa międzynarodowa, z drugiej starały się uniemożliwić konkurentowi uzyskanie przewagi. Ale nie chciały też stracić możliwości uzyskania tejże przewagi samodzielnie. W rezultacie prawo przestrzeni kosmicznej ucieleśnione w Traktacie o przestrzeni kosmicznej (Outer Space Treaty) stało się nieprecyzyjne, stwarzające pole do interpretacji, podczas gdy w powszechnym postrzeganiu traktat miał określać kosmos w całości jako znajdujący się pod klauzulą wspólnego dziedzictwa ludzkości. O tym, że tak jednak nie jest, powszechnie wiedziano. W ostatnich latach zmiany w kosztach dostępu do przestrzeni kosmicznej zmieniły kalkulacje ryzyka i zysków oraz rozproszyły obawy strategiczne, które wstrzymywały mocarstwa kosmiczne od wykorzystania luk w prawie. W rezultacie niektóre państwa, szczególnie USA, zaczęły ekspansywniej działać w przestrzeni kosmicznej, by uniemożliwić rywalom wykorzystanie owych luk, zarazem utrzymywały, że wszystkie te działania są legalne w świetle prawa międzynarodowego.

4

Broń chemiczna w XX i XXI wieku. Cz. 3, Fosforoorganiczne bojowe środki trujące stosowane do 1970 r. : grupa V

Kloske Marcin, Witkiewicz Zygfryd

Biuletyn Wojskowej Akademii Technicznej

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2019

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Vol. 68, nr 4

139--163

PL

W pracy opisano grupę V fosforoorganicznych bojowych środków trujących (BST) o działaniu paralityczno-drgawkowym stosowanych od ich odkrycia do 1970 roku. Grupa V jest drugim z kolei zbiorem BST i zawiera wiele substancji chemicznych, które do 2018 roku były uważane za najbardziej toksyczne związki chemiczne wchodzące w skład arsenału broni chemicznej.

EN

The article contains the knowledge about the V-group of organophosphorus chemical warfare agents, named nerve agents, used since their discovery until the year 1970. Group V is the second consecutive collection of CW agents and it contains a number of chemical substances, which were considered up to the year 2018, to be the most toxic chemical compounds included in the arsenal of chemical weapons.

5

Broń chemiczna w XX i XXI wieku. Cz. 2, Fosforoorganiczne bojowe środki trujące grupy G

Kloske Marcin, Witkiewicz Zygfryd

Biuletyn Wojskowej Akademii Technicznej

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2019

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Vol. 68, nr 3

119--131

PL

Celem publikacji jest dokonanie przeglądu stanu wiedzy na temat grupy G związków chemicznych wchodzących w skład fosforoorganicznych bojowych środków trujących paralityczno-drgawkowych od ich odkrycia do 1970 roku. Związki grupy G, określane także jako związki serii G, związki G, G-gazy, gazy G, to podgrupa paralityczno-drgawkowych bojowych środków trujących, które powodują inhibicję acetylocholinoesterazy. Praca zawiera podstawowe dane na temat tej grupy związków chemicznych, nadal rozpatrywanych jako istotny składnik broni chemicznej.

EN

The aim of this publication is to review the state of the art in the field of chemical weapons. It contains the knowledge about the G group of chemical compounds that are part of the phosphorous-organic combat paralytic and seizure poisonous agents from their discovery to 1970. G group compounds are also referred to as G series compounds, G compounds, G-gases, G gases, are a subgroup of paralytic-convulsant combat poisonous agents that inhibit acetylcholinesterase. The paper contains basic data on this group of compounds, still considered as an important component of chemical weapons.

6

Image data paradox – on the impact of the development of image-based remote sensing on the maps’ content in the Eastern Bloc. The case of Poland

Konopska B., Krukowski M.

Polish Cartographical Review

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2018

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Vol. 50, No. 4

211--222

EN

The authors examine the impact of the development of image-based remote sensing systems on the activities of state administrations in the cartographic production and making of geographical information publicly available in the Eastern Bloc countries. A convergence of cartography, secrecy, and power occurred during the Cold War. Through investigation of facts relevant to the acquisition image data of the Earth surface performed by the USA and the USSR, it aims to examine the key questions of why the logic behind the development of cartography in the Eastern Bloc countries after World War II was distorted. The lack of logic was reflected in the fact that the amount of information actually presented on maps decreased with an increase in the information about the surface of the Earth acquired by the means of remote sensing systems. It was suggested that image data in the member states of the Eastern Bloc, in spite of their restricted use and a drop in the informational value of maps, was the main factor behind the creation, detail, and geometric accuracy of civilian maps. Proving this thesis involved analyzing the correlations between the achievements in the field of remote sensing and the quality of maps developed during the Cold War in the Eastern Bloc states.

7

Działo M-65 „Atomic Cannon” kalibru 280 mm

Parol G.

Kwartalnik Bellona

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2017

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Nr 2

151--157

PL

Autor prezentuje 280-milimetrowe działo atomowe M65 „Atomic Cannon”, jedną z najmniej znanych części amerykańskiego projektu zbrojeń atomowych okresu zimnej wojny. Projekt działa zdolnego do przenoszenia ładunków nuklearnych o masie do 15 kiloton opracowany na przełomie lat czterdziestych i pięćdziesiątych XX wieku stanowił duży krok w rozwoju technologicznym środków artyleryjskich armii Stanów Zjednoczonych. Skonstruowanie nowego środka zdolnego do przenoszenia broni masowego rażenia oznaczało również kolejny etap wyścigu zbrojeń państw NATO i Układu Warszawskiego. Przyspieszyło opracowanie rakiet balistycznych zdolnych do przenoszenia ładunków o wielokrotnie większej sile rażenia, przez lata stanowiących dla USA i ZSRR, dwóch supermocarstw tamtego okresu, główne narzędzie zastraszania.

EN

The author presents the 280 mm M65 „Atomic Cannon," one of the least known parts of the American nuclear defense program of the Cold War period. The design of the cannon, capable of carrying nuclear load of up to 15 kilotons, developed at the turn of the 1940's and the 1950's, was a significant step in the technological advancement of the US Army's artillery. Constructing a new means capable of carrying weapons of mass destruction also meant entering a new phase of the arms race of NATO and the Warsaw Pact states. It accelerated the development of ballistic missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads of much greater striking power, for years constituting the main tool of intimidation used by the two superpowers of those times, the USA and the Soviet Union.

8

Polish Chemical Brigades – organization, concept of operation and combat capabilities

Zielonka Z.

Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki

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2016

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Nr 1

90--111

EN

The beginning of the Cold War as well as the recognition of nuclear weapons as new and decisive combat measures opened a new stage in the history of Polish chemical corps. In the face of another world war, this time with using weapon of mass destruction on both sides, chemical forces were not only restored but also intensely expanded and trained. The emergence of divisions’ and military districts’ chemical companies in the 1950s and independent battalions in the next decade resulted in several times increase in the number of manpower of these specialized troops, larger organizational structures and the adaption of the concept for their usage in the changing requirements of the battlefield. As a result, at the turn of 1960s and 1970s chemical forces achieved the biggest combat capabilities in their history, as they had four trained and fully manned chemical regiments at disposal, that after further mobilization development to Chemical Brigades supported the levels of two Armies and the Front. The main purpose of this article is to present secret until recently organizational structures of Chemical Brigades of the Army and the Front, their combat capabilities and the concept of operation. The article includes mainly collections of Archives of the Ministry of National Defense and sparsely occurring works and articles, which, moreover, present the issue of Polish chemicals troops only in an outline or a fragmented way.

9

Nuclear weapons in the strategies of the United States and NATO. Strategy of massive retaliation and flexible response

Zielonka Z.

Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki

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2016

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Nr 3

71--99

EN

The introduction of the hydrogen bomb to the nuclear arsenal turned out to be a breakthrough in the creation of the strategic deterrence system. It determined the evolution of the nuclear strategy on both sides of the “Iron Curtain”. The appearance of high-power light thermonuclear bombs became an impulse for the creation of ballistic missiles. Globally, this type of weapon significantly speeded up reaching a nuclear stalemate and contributed to taking up efforts to seek measures of a limited nuclear war and a “flexible response” as an alternative to massive retaliation.

10

Nuclear weapon in the strategies of the United States and NATO. The containment strategy

Zielonka Z.

Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki

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2016

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Nr 2

177--193

EN

The fact that the production and the use of a nuclear weapon during the World War II began a new chapter in both the development of military technology and views on the preparation and conduct of a war. Creators and supporters of the atomic bomb quickly realized that it was too powerful to force it into the framework of existing doctrines. Therefore, it proved necessary to look for other solutions as the basis for a new type of a strategy. It was expected that this would be the political-military "containment" strategy introduced in the late 1940s. This, becoming the cornerstone of the US foreign policy, treated the nuclear arsenal as the most convenient and sometimes the only tool of deterrence of the Soviet Union. In the military dimension, as a derivative of the contradictory nuclear strategy of the Truman’s administration, it did not give up the bombing of cities but through deterrence and assurance of the security of allies in Europe it proposed a quick and massive nuclear attack.

11

North and south Yemen as a theatre of a proxy war during the cold war

Bryjka F.

Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki

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2016

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Nr 2

19--34

EN

The geopolitical location of Yemen makes the country an area that has always drawn the attention of external actors interested in expanding their influences in the Arabian Peninsula. During the period of the Cold War, the territory of today's Yemen was a theater of geopolitical rivalry, where the interests clashed between both superpowers and regional actors. During the conflict in North and South Yemen, external entities played an important role as they drove the dynamics of these conflicts counting on achieving their own strategic objectives. The purpose of this article is to seek answers to the questions: who, how and why was engaged in armed conflicts in the territory of North and South Yemen during the Cold War era, and what long-term consequences of this commitment can be observed today?

12

NATO w dwadzieścia lat po zimnej wojnie : próba diagnozy

Otłowski Tomasz

Wiedza Obronna

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2010

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nr 2

119--126

13

Stosunki Zachodu z Rosją : scenariusz pesymistyczny : „nowa” zimna wojna

Kubiak K.

Zeszyty Naukowe AON

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2009

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nr 4(77)

53-66

EN

The author attempts to build a pessimistic scenario of relations between the broadly understood West and Russia. He assumes that the so called “Georgian War” finished a certain stage of consolidation of the post-Soviet space by Russia. The article stipulates that energy resources will be the new instruments of influence in the anticipated “new” Cold War, while in the ideological sphere it will be based on the Great Russia nationalism.

14

Polityczne aspekty Internetu

Targowski A.

Zeszyty Naukowe AON

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2003

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nr 3(52)

72-87

15

Prawne aspekty działalności militarnej w kosmosie

Krzeszowski W.

Zeszyty Naukowe AON

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1999

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nr 4(37)

217-223

EN

Military operations have been waged on land since ancient times. Later they spread onto seas and oceans. Since the First World War they have also been conducted in the air. The end of the 20th century opens slowly a successive fourth area of military actions - space. No one is surprised today by a statement that the country that will have a possibility to use satellite means freely, will reach an advantage over anyone who will not have such a possibility. Therefore possessing an adequate number of military means in space is an important element of the 21st century strategy. Nowadays, if we believe in official communiques, only satellite means of combat action support are situated in space such as means of communication, reconnaissance, meteorology or navigation. There are not any countries to possess means for immediate fire or electronic attack, however, appearing sometimes in media information make us suppose that their production is highly probable today. Advancing space exploration is accompanied by constructing legal bases for this activity that are to be basic limitation of excessive space armament. There are however many inaccuracies which make many military endeavours in space possible without breaching international space law provisions. It might pose a great danger for international security.