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EN
This article intends to analyse the events which unfolded around Bangladesh’s War of Independence (1971). In retrospect, initially the war was Bangladesh’s attempt at gaining independence from Pakistan, which was to begin with recognition as the country’s eastern province. Specifically, the authors want to flesh out the aspects of irregular warfare, insurgency strategy, and the total people’s war in a case study. To do this, this qualitative article employs a historiographic analytical lens in its analysis. Furthermore, in its methodology section, the authors outline J.D. Kiras’ four concepts behind a successful insurgency, and Abdul H. Nasution’s proposition of “nationalism” as the article’s theoretical framework. These concepts include space, time, support, and legitimacy. The results of this study show that, firstly, the Bangladeshis could utilise the “space” aspect by exploiting geographical differences. Secondly, the events related to natural disasters that occurred gave impetus to the revolt. Thirdly, the world’s support highlighted the challenging circumstances for Bangladeshis. Fourthly, Bangladesh acquired legitimacy while advocating for the release of political prisoners from Lahore. Finally, nationalism is showcased in the fight because of the work of intellectuals and nationalists. Overall, Bangladesh’s War of Independence produced mixed results with regard to this article’s theoretical framework.
EN
Investments in military-related facilities have always had important ideological connotations. When studying the styles of barracks complexes in Eastern Europe, one can notice two main periods of heightened militarism and identify two related style trends. The large-scale barracks built in the 1880s represent a style infused with national romanticism. In Prussia, for example, it is Rundbogenstil, which legitimizes monarchical power and is represented by the barracks designs of Karl Friedrich Schinkel. As a result of the defeat in World War I, this style is compromised by its association with the Dolchstoss myth. With the beginning of the 1930s, the tendency to build extensive barracks complexes intensifies again. The buildings erected at that time reflect the tendency to modernize architecture. They are characterized by economy, functional and hygienic layout of rooms and a cubic style. This ideal shines through, for example, the search for a new barracks design carried out in the 1920s in the Second Polish Republic, where modernism had grown into a national style. This tendency is also evident in German barracks, such as those in Wrocław, designed by Otto Salvisberg, and Swiss barracks in Lucerne, designed by Armin Meili. However, due to the tightening of the nationalist rhetoric by the ruling NSDAP, as witnessed by the "Entartete Kunst" exhibition held in Munich in 1937, the international style is rejected in Germany, which was unprecedented at the time. A new style is sought, and the Heimatstil based on vernacular patterns developed in the 1870s fits in with the populist inclinations of the Third Reich. As a result, the design of barracks complexes sees a return to a simplified historicizing style, which then gives way to buildings that represent the biased national style of Heimatschutz, expressiing the polarization of public discourse along the lines of: cosmopolitan "them" and domestic "us" [1].
EN
The national-socialist movement widespread in Germany in the 1930s influenced all areas of life. Investments in facilities related to the military were of particular ideological significance. At the same time, regardless of the state ideology and propaganda, in the period following World War I, a huge transformation is taking place in the formation of barracks complexes. In terms of the distribution of rooms in accordance with cross ventilation and insolation requirements, as well as the urban arrangement on the plot, military architecture uses the achievements of residential architecture: social housing, patronage estates, prefabrication and functionalism. In formal terms, it is also influenced by the international style. For example, in Polish military architecture (during the Second Polish Republic), the use of cosmopolitan modernism progressed, being a manifestation of patriotic care for the modernization of the country in accordance with the example set by the world powers and Western countries. However, it didn’t take long before German military architecture diversified from this trend. The Third Reich, under the influence of the national-socialist movement, briefly before the outbreak of World War II, abandons modernism in favour of a specific local form of vernacular national style - Heimatstil. In the field of construction of government buildings, its nationalist variant prevails - "Heimatschutz" - which is a retreat to tendentious historical forms and regionalisms. This transformation is illustrated by three examples of barracks from 1935-1938. The historical barracks from the 1880s represent a style saturated with romanticism. They are multi-storey blocks full of gloomy interiors spanning deep from the corridor, which encompasses the building. At the beginning of the 1930s, they are being replaced by objects derived from the white modernism: ascetic, functional, cubist, with a functional layout solved with attention to ventilation and insolation. However, with the tightening of the rhetoric of the ruling NSDAP, evidenced by the exhibition of modern art under the depreciating title "Degenerated Art", organized in Munich in 1937, a strong nationalist course in Germany’s politics leads to the rejection of cosmopolitan patterns. This results in the return to the simplified vernacular style in the design of barrack complexes. This then gives way to objects in an approachable native style.
PL
Panujący w Niemczech w latach 30. ruch narodowo-socjalistyczny wpływał na wszystkie dziedziny życia. Szczególnie ważny wydźwięk światopoglądowy miały inwestycje w obiekty związane z wojskiem. Równocześnie, niezależnie od ideologii państwowej, w okresie następującym po I wojnie światowej dokonuje się ogromna przemiana w kształtowaniu zespołów koszarowych. W kwestii rozkładu pomieszczeń pod względem przewietrzania i nasłonecznienia oraz aranżacji urbanistycznej na działce architektura wojskowa korzysta ze wzorców budownictwa społecznego, osiedli patronackich, prefabrykacji i funkcjonalizmu. W kwestii formalnej wpływa na nią także styl międzynarodowy. O ile jednak np. w polskiej architekturze wojskowej (w okresie II Rzeczpospolitej) zastosowanie kosmopolitycznego modernizmu postępuje, będąc przejawem patriotyzmu: dbałości o modernizację kraju na wzór stosujących go potęg światowych i państw zachodnich, o tyle III Rzesza pod wpływem ruchu narodowo-socjalistycznego na krótko przed wybuchem II wojny światowej porzuca modernizm na rzecz specyficznej lokalnej formy wernakularnego stylu narodowego - „Heimatstil”. W obszarze budynków rządowych przeważa jego nacjonalistyczna odmiana - „Heimatschutz” - będąca odwrotem od tendencyjnych form historycznych i regionalizmów. Przemianę tę ilustrują trzy przykłady koszar z lat 1935-1938. Wyjściowo historyczne koszary z lat 80. XIX w. reprezentują styl przesycony romantyzmem, stanowią wielopiętrowe bloki złożone z wnętrz o głębokim trakcie w układzie korytarzowym. Z początkiem lat 30. XX w. zaczynają je zastępować obiekty w stylu białego modernizmu: ascetyczne, funkcjonalne, kubistyczne, o rozkładzie funkcjonalnym rozwiązanym z dbałością o przewietrzanie i insolację. Jednak wraz z zaostrzeniem retoryki rządzącej NSDAP, czego świadectwo stanowi urządzona w Monachium w 1937 r. wystawa sztuki nowoczesnej pod deprecjonującym tytułem Sztuka zdegenerowana, wyraźny kurs nacjonalistyczny prowadzi w Niemczech do odrzucenia wzorców kosmopolitycznych. Skutkuje to w projektowaniu zespołów koszarowych powrotem do uproszczonej stylistyki wernakularnej. Ta ustępuje następnie miejsca obiektom w tendencyjnej stylistyce rodzimej.
PL
W artykule przedstawiono źródła i skutki wojny etnicznej w byłej Jugosławii oraz konflikty etniczno-narodowościowe w tym państwie, jak również proces rozpadu państwa jugosłowiańskiego oraz tragedię i krzywdę ludności cywilnej poniesioną w wyniku działań wojennych. Zawarto także opis zmian pokoleniowych na szczytach władzy i dramatyczne wyjście z federacji poszczególnych republik, począwszy od tych najbogatszych. Scharakteryzowano główne elementy strategii UE wobec Bałkanów Zachodnich (zawarte w ramach Procesu Stabilizacji i Stowarzyszenia) oraz przedstawiono działania polityczne i wojskowe NATO w Kosowie.
EN
The article discusses the origins and consequences of the ethnic war in the former Yugoslavia, ethnic and national conflicts in that country, the process of the disintegration of the Yugoslav Republic and the tragedy and harm of the civilian population resulting from war operations. The article also presents generational changes that occurred in the top tiers of the authorities and the dramatic exit of individual republics from the federation, staring with the richest ones. The main elements of EU’s strategies for the western Balkans are characterised in the article (included in the Stabilisation and Association Process), and political and NATO military operations in Kosovo are also presented.
PL
Celem tekstu jest ukazanie mitu początku nowej państwowości jako kategorii legitymizującej państwo i system polityczny powstały w Polsce po roku 1945. W tym celu dokonano analizy wybranych filmów fabularnych powstających w latach 1956-1989 jako nośników treści propagandowo-legitymizacyjnych, a następnie wyodrębnienia i wskazania – na podstawie ich analizy – głównych elementów składowych tworzących mit początku. Celem tekstu jest także próba umieszczenia mitu początku wśród tradycyjnych modeli legitymizacyjnych oraz wskazanie jego głównych cech.
EN
This article attempts to reconstruct the mythology surrounding the beginnings of the statehood of the Polish People’s Republic after the Second World War. As the means of conveying political propaganda, myths were primarily propagated in the Polish war movies of the period 1956 through 1989. The myth pertaining to the origin of statehood aimed to legitimize the roots of the communist system in Poland. As such, it is the part of a broader mythology which developed over centuries in the national consciousness, the “myth of Polish statehood." It was used by the communists as propaganda after the Second World War. Its other mythological components include: permanence, reference to tradition and nationalism. Its main elements are: the portraying of the beginning of statehood as a drama, the myth of the army as an institution and the myth of the soldier as a charismatic figure, the myth of Western and Northern territories and the myth of the Bieszczady mountains as the new Polish Eastern Borderlands, the myth of the lost patriot hero, the myth of the folk hero and the myth of widespread support for the new state authorities in the years 1944-1947. It is important to note the attempts to connect the nationalistic (anti-German and anti-Ukrainian) threads with the elements of military ethos. It appears that after 1956 the current socialist realism was replaced by the myths of the beginning and the military ethics.
PL
Prezentowany artykuł porusza kwestię identyfikacji Europejczyków z krajem ich pochodzenia oraz znaczenie państwa narodowego we współczesnej europejskiej rzeczywistości. Intensywność i różnorodność zmian oraz procesów towarzyszących globalizacji wpływa na konieczność ponownego przemyślenia roli i funkcji, jakie spełniać miałoby współczesne państwo narodowe na Starym Kontynencie. Autorka pragnie włączyć się w trwającą już od jakiegoś czasu dyskusję na temat obecnego pojmowania związku między konstruowaniem tożsamości narodowej i europejskiej.
EN
The current intensive processes of global integration are resulting in new conditions for nation states and at the same time changing their European identity. This article discusses changing context of understanding relations between national and European identity. The author prefaces her discussion of the foundations on which a system of the national relations in Europe may be built. Globalization frequently causes discontinuity in ones identity. The author is looking for the answer if the nationalism is the reaction on all the processes connected with the multicultural integration. The new conditions result in a new understanding of nations such as individuality, community and nationalism. The united Europe should be considered as a form of new collective identity within which the multicultural integration would be enabled.
EN
The subject of the article is geopolitical conception of a political movement called national democracy. It was created in the period prior to the World War I, and it was developed and assimilated during the war and after it until Poland gained independence and shaped its borders. The most significant matters in this area are works of one of the founders of the national movement, Jan Ludwik Popławski, (1854-1908) who defined original vision of new Poland. His ideas were developed and put into life by Roman Dmowski, who was undoubtedly the leader of the formation. The creators of the political doctrine of the new movement deviated from the traditional idea of Poland’s position on the map of Europe. They did not confine themselves to the recollection of previous Polish borders nor knowledge connected with the place where Polish ethnic people lived. While they were looking for the answer to the question of the image of an independent country they were rather wondering whether such a country needed to have a good economic development. Jan Popławski was the first to state the thesis that future Poland should be created on the basis of the line Śląsk – Pomorze including Vistula basin (certainly not only). As a condition sine qua non of independence Popławski acknowledged a wide access to the Baltic Sea. Ethnographic conditions of the most important areas of Śląsk and Pomorze were not an opportunity but a challenge because it was essential to oppose German colonization also in the East Prussia. This vision, which put the main targets of Polish geopolitics in the west, was the centre of the position of national democracy during the World War I.
8
Content available remote Globalizacja, terroryzm i nacjonalizm a demokracja
9
Content available remote Unia Europejska wobec współczesnych zagrożeń
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