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1
Content available remote Ze zdjęć lotniczych na powstańczą mapę
Geodeta : magazyn geoinformacyjny
|
2021
|
nr 9
16--17
2
Content available Żeński Oddział Wywiadowczy I Brygady Legionów
Dobosz Aleksandra
Roczniki Studenckie Akademii Wojsk Lądowych
|
2019
|
R. 3
51--62
PL
Artykuł prezentuje działalność Żeńskiego Oddziału Wywiadowczego jako przykładu zaangażowania Polek w walkę o niepodległość. Przedstawia genezę oddziału oraz jego zmieniającą się rolę i zadania. Koncentruje się także na technikach działania wywiadowczyń w świetle ich wspomnień. Prezentuje również postać Aleksandry Szczerbińskiej, jako dowódczyni oddziału.
EN
The article presents the activity of the Female Intelligence Unit in Polish Legions, as an example of the activity of Polish women in the struggle for independence. It presents the genesis of the unit and its changing role and tasks. It also focuses on the techniques of intelligence operations described in memories of units members. It also presents the figure of Aleksandra Szczerbińska as the commander.
3
Content available remote Przed pierwszym rozbiorem Polski
Bartoszewicz H.
Geodeta : magazyn geoinformacyjny
|
2017
|
nr 3
46--52
4
Content available remote Nadwiślańskie miasta
Bartoszewicz H.
Geodeta : magazyn geoinformacyjny
|
2017
|
nr 10
50--52
5
Content available remote Wolne Miasto Kraków
Bartoszewicz H.
Geodeta : magazyn geoinformacyjny
|
2015
|
nr 5
46--51
6
Content available remote Wielkie Księstwo Poznańskie
Bartoszewicz H.
Geodeta : magazyn geoinformacyjny
|
2015
|
nr 8
48--53
7
Content available remote Zawiedzione nadzieje
Bartoszewicz H.
Geodeta : magazyn geoinformacyjny
|
2014
|
nr 2
46--51
8
Content available remote Unifikacja podziałów
Bartoszewicz H.
Geodeta : magazyn geoinformacyjny
|
2014
|
nr 3
50--54
9
Content available remote Rozgraniczenie II Rzeczypospolitej z Rumunią w świetle źródeł archiwalnych i eksploracji terenowej, cz. I : Unikatowe archiwalium
Borucki T., Troll M.
Geodeta : magazyn geoinformacyjny
|
2014
|
nr 9
44--48
10
Content available remote Rozgraniczenie II Rzeczypospolitej z Rumunią w świetle źródeł archiwalnych i eksploracji terenowej, cz. II : Znaki graniczne
Borucki T., Troll M.
Geodeta : magazyn geoinformacyjny
|
2014
|
nr 10
42--46
11
Content available remote Po IV rozbiorze
Bartoszewicz H.
Geodeta : magazyn geoinformacyjny
|
2014
|
nr 4
50--53
12
Content available Mit początku nowej państwowości jako kategoria legitymizacyjna w PRL na przykładzie wybranych filmów fabularnych
Polniak Ł.
Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki
|
2011
|
Nr 2
84-99
PL
Celem tekstu jest ukazanie mitu początku nowej państwowości jako kategorii legitymizującej państwo i system polityczny powstały w Polsce po roku 1945. W tym celu dokonano analizy wybranych filmów fabularnych powstających w latach 1956-1989 jako nośników treści propagandowo-legitymizacyjnych, a następnie wyodrębnienia i wskazania – na podstawie ich analizy – głównych elementów składowych tworzących mit początku. Celem tekstu jest także próba umieszczenia mitu początku wśród tradycyjnych modeli legitymizacyjnych oraz wskazanie jego głównych cech.
EN
This article attempts to reconstruct the mythology surrounding the beginnings of the statehood of the Polish People’s Republic after the Second World War. As the means of conveying political propaganda, myths were primarily propagated in the Polish war movies of the period 1956 through 1989. The myth pertaining to the origin of statehood aimed to legitimize the roots of the communist system in Poland. As such, it is the part of a broader mythology which developed over centuries in the national consciousness, the “myth of Polish statehood." It was used by the communists as propaganda after the Second World War. Its other mythological components include: permanence, reference to tradition and nationalism. Its main elements are: the portraying of the beginning of statehood as a drama, the myth of the army as an institution and the myth of the soldier as a charismatic figure, the myth of Western and Northern territories and the myth of the Bieszczady mountains as the new Polish Eastern Borderlands, the myth of the lost patriot hero, the myth of the folk hero and the myth of widespread support for the new state authorities in the years 1944-1947. It is important to note the attempts to connect the nationalistic (anti-German and anti-Ukrainian) threads with the elements of military ethos. It appears that after 1956 the current socialist realism was replaced by the myths of the beginning and the military ethics.
13
Content available remote 30. rocznica strajku w AGH
Eckes K.
Geodeta : magazyn geoinformacyjny
|
2011
|
nr 12
22-24
14
Content available remote Wyszkolenie strzeleckie jako element przygotowania wojskowego członków Związku Strzeleckiego w latach 1910-1939
Wiśniewska M.
Zeszyty Naukowe AON
|
2008
|
nr 1(70)
284-290
EN
The author of the article discusses the shooting training conducted in the Shooters’ Union in 1910-1939 as one of elements of its members’ military training. The Shooters’ training and its division into officers’ and non-commissioned officers’ courses (schools) are presented. Such training centres were located in Lviv and Cracow and additionally “a summer school” was run in Stróża in 1913. The curriculum included, among others, lectures in history of wars, tactics, topography, shooting theory, etc. Józef Piłsudski, Walery Sławek, and Kazimierz Sosnkowski, the independence movement’s representatives taught there. Then the author discusses the role that the Shooters’ Union played in defence training. She shows the range of its activities and work on developing the sport of shooting. Finally, Dr Wiśniewska concludes that the shooting training conducted by the Shooters’ Union played a key role in its activities. Women and men trained by that organisation performed a prominent role in the fight for independence in the September Campaign in 1939 and during the occupation.
15
Content available remote Geopolityczne uwarunkowania bezpieczeństwa narodowego Polski w latach 1918-1939
Wyszczelski L.
Zeszyty Naukowe AON
|
2008
|
nr 1(70)
265-283
EN
Poland’s geo-political position in 1918-1939 changed as a result of political changes in Europe, especially at the end of the 30s after Germany’s territorial annexes. The Treaty of Versailles provisions, wars for independent Poland’s borders in 1918-1921 and to a certain extent Poland’s annexation of Zaolzie in 1938 contributed to that position. The breakthrough events included signing the Treaty of Versailles (1919), Locarno Treaties (1925), Hitler’s rise to power (1933), the Munich Agreement (1938), consequently the collapse of Czechoslovakia and the subordination of this territory to the Reich and the Molotov - Ribbentrop Pact (23.08.1939). These events were prompted by western superpowers’ policy which in spite of signing political and military agreements with Poland did not act according to them and therefore Poland fought single-handedly with a double aggressor in September 1939 and was severely defeated. Taking into consideration Poland’s geo-strategic position in the problem mentioned above, Poland’s location was stressed on the trail of military expansions from the east to the west and vice versa, location among countries - Germany, Russia - which supported the expansion on the Polish territory, as well as unfavourable shape of Poland’s borders after World War I, especially lack of natural terrain obstacles.
16
Content available remote Wojsko Polskie w wydarzeniach poznańskich 1956 roku
Kajetanowicz J.
Zeszyty Naukowe AON
|
2006
|
nr 3(64)A Numer specjalny
84-99
EN
The use of the Polish Army units to suppress the protests in Poznań was a surprise not only for the society but for the soldiers as well. The residents of Poznań had not anticipated that the authorities would use military units equipped with heavy armour. Therefore the appearance of a large number of tanks and armoured personnel carriers in the streets caused that the demonstration was quelled and the fighting areas were isolated. Apart from few groups of protesters, the resistance was quickly crushed due to the increasing advantage of the law enforcement forces. Military troops were not appropriately prepared to conduct this kind of tasks. Tackling groups of protesters, liquidating points of fire in buildings, dispersing crowds were not included in the training programmes. It was fully confirmed during the first hours of the events when expected successes were not reached. Later effective methods were applied that allowed dispersing the crowds and swift finish of the fire exchange. Systematic increase of the number of military units directed to Poznań resulted mainly from the fear that the protest and armed groups would spread outside the city. According to the military command, it was confirmed in attacks on police stations after which the protesters gained a lot of guns and ammunition. It was also essential to liquidate the points of fire which not only posed a threat to the troops but to the residents themselves who were the victims of random shoot-out. The introduction of the Polish Army troops against civilians had a precedence character which in future served the Polish People’s Republic authorities to copy these checked solutions. It was confirmed by the events in December 1970 and later by martial law in 1982, the final although late effect of which was the collapse of the totalitarian power and the democratisation of social-political life in Poland.
17
Content available remote Represje wobec zbuntowanego miasta : śledztwa i procesy
Białecki K.
Zeszyty Naukowe AON
|
2006
|
nr 3(64)A Numer specjalny
104-112
EN
A gloomy announcement of repressions that the residents of rebellious Poznań could anticipate was the threat voiced by then Prime Minister Józef Cyrankiewicz on 29th June. He said that “he who raises their hand against people’s state, shall have that hand cut off”. On the next day, Edward Gierek, one of the First Secretaries of the Polish United Workers’ Party Central Committee also threatened severe punishment at the funeral of one of the victims. Remembering what ",Stalinist justice" looked like, the residents of Poznań feared the lots of the accused. A conviction dominated that innocent people would be prosecuted. The author presents several trials that were conducted. All verdicts passed in the “trial of three ” (Józef Foltynowicz and Jerzy Sroka - 4 years and 6 months imprisonment, Kazimierz Żurek- 4 years imprisonment), and in the,”trial of nine ” (Zenon Urbanek, Stanisław Jaworek, Ludwik Wierzbicki - 6 years imprisonment, Józef Pocztowy - 3 years imprisonment, Janusz Biegański - 2.5 years imprisonment, Łukasz Piotrowski -1.5 years imprisonment, Stanisław Kauffmann - 2 years in suspension for 5, moreover, Jan Suwart and Leon Olejniczak were acquitted) were significantly lower than expected. The judges deliberately withdrew from harsh regulations of the Decree from 1946. It is worth mentioning that in the case of the “trial of ten ”, the judge first resumed the trial in order to examine new witnesses, next adjourned and finally dropped it. Undoubtedly, the speech made by Władysław Gomułka on the 7th Plenary Session of the Polish United Workers’ Party Central Committee contributed to this because he stated that “the reasons of the Poznań tragedy and deep dissatisfaction of the whole political class resided in us, party leadership, the government”. Such an interpretation conducted by Person Number One in the country in fact closed any possibilities of continuing repression.
18
Content available remote Prokuratura wojskowa wobec udziału armii w tłumieniu powstańczego zrywu
Marcinkowski W.
Zeszyty Naukowe AON
|
2006
|
nr 3(64)A Numer specjalny
100-103
EN
The Military Prosecution Service structure and range of competence in 1956 were defined in the regulations of the PKWN (Polish Committee of National Liberation) decree of 23rd September 1944 “Law of the Court Martial and Military Prosecution Service”. Trial proceedings relating to crimes undergoing military jurisdiction that took place in the city of Poznan were to be conducted by Garrison Military Prosecution Service in Poznan. Due to charges of taking the protesters’ side and supporting them, the military prosecution bodies investigated the cases of 9 soldiers (including one captain, an orchestra conductor). Eight of these soldiers, except the mentioned above orchestra conductor, were temporarily detained. In reference to eight suspected soldiers, the criminal proceedings were discontinued in the course of investigation and the soldiers were discharged. There are some discrepancies referring to the time of releasing the last one, but certainly he was released before the end of November 1956. Only the case against one non-commissioned officer, a corporal went to a military court in Wroclaw where it was discontinued due to the lack of criminal charges.
19
Content available remote Poznań : zbuntowane miasto
Pilarczyk Z.
Zeszyty Naukowe AON
|
2006
|
nr 3(64)A Numer specjalny
62-70
EN
The history of Poznań, its development and forming the particular districts of the city are presented in the article. Then the author shows the Poznań’s plants’ workers leaving their factories and marching along the streets and in detail describes the route of the manifestation. The events in Poznań were the act of people driven to extremes caused by the fact that other instruments of a social dialogue had failed as the authorities did not want to talk. The author explains why his presentation is called “Poznań - the Rebellious City The facts and conclusions drawn in the article make one agree with the thesis that the so called “Black Thursday” was the expression of the city’s rebellion as almost one third of the city residents protested at the same time against the growing bending of the economic and social reality by the authorities. The city and its streets were the stage of the escalation from a silent march to the shoot-out. Could the outbreak in Poznań be anticipated? Certainly, yes. Both the local and central authorities showed a complete ignorance of mechanisms directing the society, did not take into consideration historical conditions shaping the new social face of Poznań's residents. The city rebellion expressed the lack of agreement to ignore its inhabitants.
20
Content available remote Powstanie poznańskie 1956 r. i jego następstwa
Komorowski K.
Zeszyty Naukowe AON
|
2006
|
nr 3(64)A Numer specjalny
72-83
EN
Poland, destroyed by war and occupation, was in the USSR area of influence due to the great superpowers’ decision. As a result of the Cold War between the Eastern Block and the Western world of democracy, military needs grew on the both sides of the Iron Curtain. Therefore, the Eastern Block developed a programme of massive industrialisation in the conditions of centrally planned order and distribution system. It was expressed in the Six - Year Plan. The speed of industrialisation, the scope of investments, harmful collectivisation of agriculture, elimination of private property exceeded the economic borders and resulted in negative social effects through the growth of prices, limiting the consumption and finally sudden deterioration of social moods causing, in consequence, the June outbreak in Poznań. In spite of the failure, the Poznań outburst had far-reaching consequences. It undoubtedly played a key role to prepare the Polish October. After suppressing the revolt in Poznan on 28th June, various strikes and protests took place on the whole territory of Wielkopolska. Apart from workers, intelligentsia and veterans having fought for independence who were set free due to the amnesty, also peasants started to express their dissatisfaction. They began to leave the collective farms, protested against the lack of coal and compulsory deliveries, demanded the increase of fertilisers and construction materials, reminded of the local relations démocratisation and condemned the local party or Public Security Office barons. The Uprising in Poznań also influenced the revitalisation of contestation moods in other regions of Poland. In Silesia it multiplied the activity of workers and intelligentsia environments. However, people calling for political-economic demonstrations and strikes were swiftly arrested. The picture of the Poznań Uprising and its consequences in the social-political life was widely reflected on the radio and the press. The Uprising was also discussed in Europe and the world as it was eye-witnessed by thousands of foreign visitors who arrived to attend the International Fair in Poznań. The further polarisation of attitudes took place in Poland. The outrage of the society and the mood of protests put pressure on party organisations, particularly in large plants. This caused reformative attitudes within the governing party, maintaining the political system principles. In conclusion, the Polish People’s Republic after 28th June 1956 became a different country where both the authorities and the governed people realised that the continuation was not possible. Maintaining the status quo would lead to unpredictable consequences which the communists in the USSR and at home feared most. Therefore they adopted the policy of relieving the social tensions with simultaneous maintaining the political system principles.
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