Wyniki wyszukiwania - BazTech

1

The judgmental failures of the Western European states towards the Russian Federation by perceiving it through European values

Chabska Katarzyna

Przegląd Nauk o Obronności

|

2022

|

R. 7, Nr 15

13--25

EN

Objectives: The purpose of this article is to show the Western European judgmental failures towards Russia by perceiving it through European values. These failures have a negative impact on European security and all of them appeared because Russia was considered the European state and the European values were put in Russia. In fact, the Russian Federation is only a geographic part of Europe, but no longer a part of European civilization. Methods: The research was conducted by analyzing the relationship between Western European countries and the Russian Federation, as well as analyzing the general condition of Russian society and Russian foreign policy. Results: This article states that Western European countries made a critical mistake by adopting European values to the Russian Federation. This hypothesis was composed by addressing the following question: What is the grand strategy of the Russian Federation? What are judgmental failures and what are their types? What judgmental failures were made by Western Europe towards Russia? Conclusions: The Russian Federation for the past years has been treated by the Western European states as a strategic business partner, however as it can be seen now, this approach was misleading and was a complete failure in terms of European security. Countries such as France and Germany had not seen Russia as an enemy of the West.

2

Security policy of the Baltic States and its determining factors

Piotrowski S.

Security and Defence Quarterly

|

2018

|

Vol. 22, No. 5

46--70

EN

The history of the nations living in today’s Baltic States is marked by fighting against stronger neighbours: Russia, Poland, Sweden, Denmark and the German settlers in their territories. Unlike Lithuanians, Estonians and Latvians failed to create their own statehood before the 20 th century. The Lithuanians created their own state, a powerful one, which then became a part of an even wider state organism – the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. As a result, the security policy of Lithuania was identical to that of the First Republic of Poland. Although there were tribes living within the area of current Estonia and Latvia for many centuries up to the outbreak of World War I, the lands of Latvia and Estonia had been changing owners and had been under the rule of almost all neighbouring countries. As a result of the positive outcome of the First World War, but also thanks to their efforts, the Baltic States regained independence in order to lose it after only 20 years, as a consequence of another war. After restoring independence with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Baltic States realised that even acting together they were unable to defend themselves against a potential aggressor. As a result, they decided to follow in the footsteps of other countries of the former Eastern Bloc (e.g. Poland and Slovakia) and to integrate with Western European structures such as NATO and the EU. Following NATO inclusion, the security strategies of the Baltic States have been revised in line with the changes in their surrounding geopolitical environment.

3

Eurocorps in European Common Security and Defense Policy : Functioning, Structure, Competence

Knap A.

Kwartalnik Bellona

|

2018

|

Nr 1

15--27

EN

In the last two years, the perception of security situation in Europe has dramatically changed. Considering the strained situation of tensions and crises in close proximity of Europe, Brexit, and a series of unprecedented terrorist attacks inside the EU states, it is highly essential that the countries be capable of joint activity in the context of key EU interests and menace. The EU societies are well informed about the threats to the Schengen Area. Such forms of threats to security as unprecedented in size illegal immigration, terrorist acts on the European territory, the falling of state structures, the sinking of the African and Middle East states into the abyss of internal wars, the reinforcement of Russia’s military potential or the North Korea’s attempts to deter international societies by means of nuclear potential should all be a reason enough for further European integration. However, considering negative tendencies inside most of the EU member states to reduce expenses on defense1, international command structures such as Eurocorps, despite the aforementioned threats, are presently facing disadvantageous processes, such as reducing human resources or equipment. On the other hand, when facing the same threats, present command structures in NATO as regards structures and tasks, as well as the revived will to enforce common security and defense policy in the EU are a chance for wider engagement of international military units and may drive Eurocorps to become a proper tool in the future for development of the security system of the framework and associated nations. It can be assumed that the EC cooperation of recent years with the EU organizations will make the balancing of NATO and EU tasks dominant during the Common Committee’s decision-making on the future engagement of Eurocorps. From the point of view of national interest, considering autonomous decision on reducing personnel and equipment, there are several arguments supporting further interest in Eurocorps within the frames of international defense cooperation. The problem of further integration within the multinational military structure, such as Eurocorps, seems still ongoing, because the change of threat nature in the environment of European security, including a politically noticeable shift of main interest to the “old EU”, and the declaration of strategic partnership between the EU and NATO2 as being complementary, and not competitive, all justifies the necessity to search further for initiatives of building more effective system of security in our part of continent. Such situation requires the engagement of Poland in various European defense initiatives. Poland, being a state of serious military potential, is faced with high expectations regarding decision-making and its influence on the shape of European security system, including the participation in the future defense structures at different levels, which can be a factor in building a strong position of the Polish Armed Forces in international structures.

4

The European Union towards the crisis in Ukraine

Demkowicz A., Sheyakov M.

Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki

|

2017

|

Nr 4

5--21

EN

The authors of this article are focusing on the role of the European Union in managing the crisis that occurred at its Eastern borders. The political conflict in Ukraine, which we have witnessed since 2013, entered a military phase. The European Union, in its sense of responsibility for shaping security at its borders, should have reacted adequately to circumstances. The implementation of the EU crisis response process occurred gradually, using, above all, diplomatic sources of crisis solving. All the same, despite the military capabilities for conflict management, the European Union did not decide to use them for shaping security in the Eastern part of Ukraine. The authors have attempted to describe the involvement of the European Union bodies in this process and to evaluate its effectiveness.In assessing such a critical but also sensitive area that is shaping security, it is important to remember about the limitations of the European Union as an organization consisting of sovereign states functioning in the international environment.The European Union, in its actions, needs to rely on the consensus of the variety of national interests of the member states as well as the credibility in implementing universal values, which the organization commonly declares and promotes among the international community.

5

Grupy bojowe Unii Europejskiej : wkład polskich sił zbrojnych w bezpieczeństwo Europy

Lewczuk M.

Wiedza Obronna

|

2017

|

nr 1-2

5--12

PL

Autor przedstawia genezę powstania sił zbrojnych UE, a w szczególności jego elementów jakimi są grupy bojowe Unii Europejskiej. Prezentuje zaangażowanie naszego kraju w tworzeniu elementów bojowych jak i dowodzenia wspomnianymi grupami.

EN

European Security is nowadays a very common phrase in all languages of Europe. Events of 2015/2016 in most cruel way showed that stability in the region is not granted forever. Security assumptions made as basis for governments internal and foreign affairs have changed and are no longer valid. Redefinitions on the European Union security policy turn towards formation of the common force as solid benchmark of the stability. Author shows the conception process of forming military force under the European Union command to be ready as European collective defense capability. Moreover, focuses on Polish involvement in developing European Union Battlegroups particularly concentrating on Polish Armed Forces inputs to Weimar Group and Visegrad Group.

6

Transport surowców energetycznych w rejonie Morza Śródziemnego

Miśnik B.

Gospodarka Materiałowa i Logistyka

|

2016

|

nr 9

570--576

PL

Morze Śródziemne jest akwenem o strategicznym znaczeniu w kwestii bezpieczeństwa europejskiego. Od wielu lat stanowi główny szlak komunikacyjny dla dostaw surowców energetycznych i innych towarów. Wystąpienie aktów przemocy może prowadzić do zerwania dostaw surowców, co stanowiłoby zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa energetycznego krajów Europy.

EN

The Mediterranean sea is a basin of a strategic importance in terms of the European security. For many years the Mediterranean area has been the main communication route for energy supplies and other goods. The occurrence of the acts of violence can lead to rupture the supply of raw materials, what would constitute a threat to the energy security of the European countries.

7

Kryzys europejskiego modelu bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego : co dalej ze spójnością tego bezpieczeństwa?

Zalewski J.

Studia Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego

|

2015

|

R. 5, Nr 8

13--40

PL

Europę czeka redefinicja bezpieczeństwa. Towarzyszyć jej będzie atmosfera powrotu do zimnowojennych nastrojów, artykułowania rewindykacji status quo terytorialnego w drodze referendów/ plebiscytów (m.in. procesy emancypacyjne w Hiszpanii, Szkocji) i zaostrzenie realpolitik na Bliskim Wschodzie i Ukrainie. Stan napięcia podtrzymywać będą również bumerangowe skutki: azjatyckiej ekspansji gospodarczej, zawirowań sprawności demokracji liberalnej, bezradności wobec fali uchodźców i emigrantów zarobkowych, a także radykalizacji zachowań nacjonalistycznych i zapowiedzi dekompozycji samej Unii Europejskiej. Wspólnota, chcąc pozostać liczącym się graczem globalnym i regionalnym, musi wykazać się większą skutecznością projekcji strategicznej, zerwać z samouwielbieniem i egoizmem instytucjonalnym wyrażającym się permanentnym, werbalnym deklarowaniem samonaprawy. W praktyce powinno dojść do zredukowania rozdętej machiny biurokratycznej. Europejczycy oczekują mniej unijnych deklaracji, więcej skuteczności w likwidowaniu kryzysu spójności i solidarności oraz przeprowadzenia audytu obejmującego wszystkie agendy unijnej działalności. O kształcie i jakości europejskiego bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego zadecyduje wypadkowa zdolności antycypowania przez Unię kierunków rozwoju sytuacji − zgodności z narodowymi potrzebami definiowanymi na podstawie rozpoznawanych i diagnozowanych zagrożeń.

EN

A redefinition of security awaits Europe. It will be accompanied by an atmosphere of return to Cold War spirits, expressed by the reclamation of status quo of state territoriality through referenda/ plebiscites (e.g. the emancipation processes in Spain and Scotland) and tightening the realpolitik in the Middle East and Ukraine. The state of tension will be further maintained by the boomerang results of: Asian economic expansion, increasing doubts over the effectiveness of liberal democracy, powerlessness against the wave of refugees and economic emigrants, as well as the radicalization of nationalist behavior and portents of the decomposition of the European Union itself. If the Community intends to remain an influential actor on the global and regional political scene, it needs to improve the effectiveness of strategic projection and abandon its self-admiration and institutional egoism which is expressed through permanent verbal declarations of self-repair. In practice, the bloated bureaucratic machinery should be reduced. Europeans are waiting for less EU declarations and more efficient management of the crisis of cohesion and solidarity as well as conducting an audit of all the agendas of EU activity. The shape and quality of European internal security will be determined by the overall capability of the European Union to anticipate the possible directions of the development of the situation – according to national needs defined on the basis of recognized and diagnosed threats.

8

Europejski ład społeczny wobec wyzwań globalnego kryzysu

Bestry P

Zeszyty Naukowe / Wyższa Szkoła Oficerska Wojsk Lądowych im. gen. T. Kościuszki

|

2012

|

Nr 2

144-156

PL

Świat stoi w przededniu zmiany. Recesja, w jakiej znajduje się gospodarka, wykazuje zdumiewające podobieństwo do "Wielkiego Kryzysu" 1929 roku - czas pokaże, czy globalne społeczeństwo wyciągnęło wnioski z traumatycznych doświadczeń minionego wieku. Historia magistra vitae est. Artykuł ten jest próbą stworzenia prognozy dla ładu europejskiego poprzez odniesienie do dzisiejszych wydarzeń społeczno-gospodarczych, na tle przesłanek poprzedzających obydwa kryzysy gospodarcze.

EN

The world is on the eve of change. Current economic recession surprisingly resembles the "Great Depression" of 1929. The time will show whether the global society has drawn conclusions from the traumatic experiences of the last century. Historia magistra vitae est. In this article, the author makes a prediction concerning European social order based on the analysis of present-day socio-economic events and the circumstances preceding both the current economic crisis and the past one.

9

Wizje kształtowania bezpieczeństwa europejskiego na początku drugiej dekady XXI wieku

Binkowski H.

Zeszyty Naukowe AON

|

2012

|

nr 3(88)

155-168

EN

The author of the article describes and evaluates the role of the key elements constituting the European security architecture at the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century. The author focuses mainly on three crucial international cooperation structures that affect security on the Old Continent. The main role has been played by OSCE, EU and NATO for many years. Within these most important international organizations the countries of Europe look for strengthening their security and effective ways to counteract European historical war doom. The author concludes that there is no leading security model in Europe, although NATO has a fundamental role to play particularly from the perspective of countries in our region. CSCE and OSCE were leading twenty years ago. However, the NATO variant contains an essential drawback. Some Europe an entities, Russia in particular, are not within North Atlantic treaty. The Part nership for Peace and the NATO - Russia Council do not solve the security dilemma existing in this scope.

10

The importance of the Mediterranean region for European security

Arcipowska M.

Studia Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego

|

2011

|

R. 1, Nr 1

215--227

EN

Problemy bezpieczeństwa w regionie śródziemnomorskim pozostają w ścisłym związku z problemami bezpieczeństwa i współpracy w Europie. Wynika to z tego, że obszar ten znajduje się w bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie Unii Europejskiej, zaś jego problemy (brak pokoju i stabilności) wpływają bezpośrednio na bezpieczeństwo w Europie. Z tego punktu widzenia basen Morza Śródziemnego jest dla UE wielkim wyzwaniem (szczególnie po 11 września 2001 roku). Z geopolitycznego punktu widzenia jest on obszarem możliwości dla UE oraz potwierdzeniem jej zdolności oddziaływania na arenie międzynarodowej. Mówiąc o bezpieczeństwie w regionie śródziemnomorskim w kontekście bezpieczeństwa europejskiego, należy także wspomnieć o bezpieczeństwie energetycznym. Niepowodzenia procesu barcelońskiego wskazały na brak efektywnej, unijnej strategii partnerstwa dla regionu. Złożoność szeroko rozumianego bezpieczeństwa w regionie Morza Śródziemnego sprawia, że powstaje duża luka między „zdolnościami a oczekiwaniami” w dialogu politycznym. O tym, jak trudno w regionie śródziemnomorskim tworzyć efektywny dialog polityczny, świadczą zakończone niepowodzeniem prace nad przyjęciem wspólnej Eurośródziemnomorskiej Karty dla Pokoju i Stabilności. Aby uniknąć nieefektywności procesu barcelońskiego (brak jego symetrii i równowagi), UE musi wyciągnąć konstruktywne wnioski z błędów popełnionych w przeszłości, by przyszłe stosunki eurośródziemnomorskie miały lepsze warunki rozwoju. W tym kontekście szansą jest nowa inicjatywa Unii dla Śródziemnomorza.

11

Some Issues of Regional Security in Southeastern Europe

Babić M.

Studia Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego

|

2011

|

R. 1, Nr 2

461--481

EN

Southeastern Europe has been a tangle of historical, civilizational, political, economic, social, psychological factors that had for so many times caused political instability. Therefore, achieving stability and security in Southeastern Europe requires simultaneous implementation of measures aimed at fostering economic and social development, democratization of the internal systems, building civil society, establishing the rule of law, settling disputes of ethnic and territorial nature through peaceful means. Author focuses on the issues of stability and security issues in the region as the result of the work of international community. Efforts to bring to a successful end two of its major projects - in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo are part of a solution. The European Union - it seems - had a dilemma what steps to take in resolving the age long regional dilemmas. It had chosen regional approach through Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe, for example. At the time when the Pact was created it was expected that regional cooperation would increase among the states. It was also expected that entire region would eventually become a part of the European Union. The idea was, probably, to motivate the countries of the region for faster reforms implementation and mutual “competition”. However, it only discouraged regional initiatives.

PL

Region Europy Południowo-Wschodniej, pomimo różnych inicjatyw integracyjnych i współpracy regionalnej w przeszłości, pozostaje podzielony i niestabilny politycznie. Inicjatywy wspólnoty międzynarodowej mające na celu osiągnięcie stabilności i bezpieczeństwa w tej części Europy koncentrują się na wspieraniu rozwoju gospodarczego i społecznego, demokratyzacji systemów wewnętrznych, budowie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, ustanowieniu rządów prawa, rozstrzygania sporów natury etnicznej i terytorialnej na drodze pokojowej, itp. Zwracając uwagę na szereg działań podjętych w tym regionie Europy, autor artykułu zauważa, że skuteczność i sukces tych inicjatyw będzie wynikiem gospodarczego i finansowego wsparcia dla regionu oraz przyspieszenia procesu przystąpienia do europejskich i euroatlantyckich organizacji, a także instytucji państw regionu. Przykładem są dwa wielkie projekty polityczne w Bośni i Hercegowinie oraz w Kosowie. Dylematem Unii Europejskiej jest mimo wszystko efektywność jej projektów w tym historycznie trudnym regionie Europy. Duża fragmentaryzacja regionu znacząco utrudnia współpracę regionalną między krajami południowo-wschodniej Europy, które potencjalnie miałyby stać się członkami UE. Integracja z Unią Europejską pozostaje jedną z nielicznych niekontrowersyjnych kwestii głównych sił politycznych w krajach regionu. Niestety nie zaowocowała ona wzmożoną współpracą w regionie, lecz umniejszyła inicjatywy regionalne.

12

Aksjologiczne uwarunkowania w dziedzinie bezpieczeństwa europejskiego

Tymanowski J.

Studia Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego

|

2011

|

R. 1, Nr 2

191--223

PL

W paradygmacie współczesnych stosunków międzynarodowych, jak też bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego, istotną rolę odgrywa czynnik aksjologiczny. To właśnie znaczące różnice systemu wartości, kształtujące i wpływające na systemy polityczne, strategie bezpieczeństwa państw, stanowią zasadniczą przeszkodę w zbudowaniu takiego uniwersalnego „porządku” międzynarodowego, który byłby zgodny z ich tradycją i oczekiwaniami społeczeństwa. Autor wykazuje, że na proces integracji europejskiej znaczący wpływ miały takie wizje jak: neoliberailizm, neofunkcjonalizm oraz konstruktywizm. Wizje te pośrednio określiły także ramy późniejszych sporów i koncepcji dotyczących bezpieczeństwa europejskiego. Ukazanie ewolucji ładu europejskiego, jak też analiza bezpieczeństwa europejskiego po „zimnej wojnie” dowodzi znaczących różnic aksjologicznych w podejściu do zakresu i rozwoju istoty bezpieczeństwa w Europie. Efektem rozważań, dotyczących różnic aksjologicznych w procesie kształtowania ładu europejskiego, jest analiza roli i znaczenia OBWE, NATO oraz Unii Europejskiej w architekturze bezpieczeństwa europejskiego.

EN

Axiology is an important aspect in a discussion on the paradigm of contemporary international relations and international security. The stressing differences in value systems, influencing and creating political systems, as well as security strategies, often build up a basic barrier in venture of the universal international harmony. It is so, because it rests on a balance between tradition and society’s needs. Author of this article is proving that in the process of European integration, with its different visions of neo-liberalism, neo-functionalism and constructivism, the relation to security concerns becomes apparent. Those visions turn out to be the frames for disagreements in a concept of European Security. Looking into the evolution of European harmony and the analysis of European security after the Cold War we observe that it is still a proving ground for those differences that determine an evolution of a spectrum of essential qualities of the European security. This adds up as a substance in an analysis of the axiological differences within a process of European harmony evolving through the OSCE, NATO and European Union, as the architecture of the universal European security.

13

Globalny układ policentryczny a bezpieczeństwo europejskie na początku XXI wieku

Leszczyński T.

Zeszyty Naukowe AON

|

2008

|

nr 1(70)A Numer specjalny

249-274

14

Realizacja wspólnej polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa wobec Europy Południowo-Wschodniej, basenu Morza Śródziemnego i Bliskiego Wschodu

Krzymowski A.

Zeszyty Naukowe AON

|

2007

|

nr 1(66)

111-126

EN

The author illustrates the engagement of the European Union in South-eastern Europe, the Mediterranean basin, as well as the Middle East, as an essential part of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The article depicts the European Union, which develops its defence potential, combats terrorism and starts to conduct missions congruent with the European Security and Defence Policy. The European Union, by means of its institutions and tools, has also significantly contributed to pull out South-eastern Europe out of the spiral of ethnic conflict. Furthermore, the author indicates that the southern and eastern region of the Mediterranean region is a strategically important part for the EU, whereas the Middle East is a vital region from the global perspective. Moreover, the author underlines that this part of the world is the linchpin of Asia, Europe and Africa. The Middle East is also the cradle of ancient civilisations and three religions. This region is again key due to global crude oil deposits situated there. For this reason the European Union also intends to play an important role in the Middle East peace process. It also supports the reconstruction of Iraq and is engaged in solving problems in Iran.

15

Ogólna informacja o Unii Europejskiej oraz Europejskiej Polityce Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony

Barthlen C.

Zeszyty Naukowe AON

|

2007

|

nr 1(66)

23-30

EN

The Author delivers the conceptual frame of the security issues with regards to the European Union, while touching upon the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). He stresses the importance of the security policy decision making bodies in the European Union. ESDP is intergovernmental organized and clearly separated from the EU Commission and other EU Pillars. The European Council is the overall decision making body of the heads of state and government. It takes decisions in external relations, meets in the format of foreign affairs ministers and /or the defence ministers. The Political and Security Committee (PSC) meets twice every week. It is the forum of the memberstates' ambassadors to EU for ESDP matters. They monitor the international political situation, prepare decisions for the European Council and give political advice. They also ensure the proper implementation of Council decisions. The Author also focuses on the European Security Strategy which provides Europe’s overarching guidelines towards security in the future, with the guiding principle: “A secure Europe in a better world”. This strategy consists of three parts. The first part addresses the global challenges and key threats, like terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, regional conflicts, state failures and organised crime. The second part indicates the three strategic objectives of the EU: addressing the threats, building security in the EU’s neighbourhood and promoting an international order based on multilateralism. Finally, the third part analyses possible policies, instruments and implications for Europe: the EU needs to be more active, more capable and more coherent and has to work with partners.

16

Siły morskie jako narzędzie budowy europejskiej przestrzeni bezpieczeństwa : doświadczenia i wnioski z kryzysów bałkańskich

Kubiak K., Wardin K.

Zeszyty Naukowe AON

|

2006

|

nr 3(64)

267-292

17

Bezpieczeństwo europejskie : nowe wyzwania nowe szanse, stare nawyki

Czaja J.

Zeszyty Naukowe AON

|

2006

|

nr 3(64)

92-116

18

Wizja europejskiego trójkąta strategicznego

Ciupiński A.

Zeszyty Naukowe AON

|

2001

|

nr 2(43)

36-48

EN

Science the beginning of the nineties a discussion has been held on the forms of political co-operation to complement the advanced economic integration process. The article discusses the relations between the main European Union's member states: political - military co-operation between France and the Federal Republic of Germany, relations between France and Great Britain and promising tendencies of French - British - German co-operation concerns three important areas: common political platform, operational co-operation of these three countries' units in operations in Bosnia - Herzegovina and Kosovo, tightening of the defence industry co-operation. Therefore the co-operation of the most powerful European Union's countries, creating the so-called strategic triangle has been continuing but it is not known if it will be in the form of a formal treaty.

19

Walka o rozwój i bezpieczeństwo europejskie

Kaczmarek J.

Zeszyty Naukowe AON

|

2001

|

nr 2(43)

18-35

EN

Somebody who has carefully been watching the lots of our continent since the and of World War 2 is fully aware of the fact that the fight to secure its development and security has been on all the time. The European Union has undoubtedly been the driving force of that fight. Therefore the author tried to present in the article a complex and difficult to carry on European Union's battle to achieve the primary goal - to create conditions for comprehensive development and security on our continent. This fight has been considered in two aspects - the external (global) and the internal (within the Alliance) ones. It has to be stressed that the EU has been conducting this fight since its very beginning and its speed has not been slowed down. Existing external threats and selected EU members' and candidates' interests make the fight more and more complicated. Reaching assumed goals requires from European Union to posses appropriate (political, social and economic) power and most of all police - military power as a kind of ultima ratio regis. Due to the necessity of rapid and effective reaction, the EU is also forced to carry out a constant transformation of its structures and to enlarge by including new members.