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Constraint summation in phonological theory

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Języki publikacji
EN
Abstrakty
EN
The classical constraints used in phonological theory apply to a single candidate at a time. Yet, some proposals in the phonological literature have enriched the classical constraint toolkit with constraints that instead apply to multiple candidates simultaneously. For instance, Dispersion Theory (Flemming 2002, 2004, 2008) adopts distinctiveness constraints that penalize pairs of surface forms which are not sufficiently dispersed. Also, some approaches to paradigm uniformity effects (Kenstowicz 1997; McCarthy 2005) adopt Optimal Paradigm faithfulness constraints that penalize pairs of stems in a paradigm which are not sufficiently similar. As a consequence, these approaches need to “lift” the classical constraints from a single candidate to multiple candidates by summing constraint violations across multiple candidates. Is this assumption of constraint summation typologically innocuous? Or do the classical constraints make different typological predictions when they are summed, independently of the presence of distinctiveness or optimal paradigm faithfulness constraints? The answer depends on the underlying model of constraint optimization, namely on how the profiles of constraint violations are ordered to determine the smallest one. Extending an independent result by Prince (2015), this paper characterizes those orderings for which the assumption of constraint summation is typologically innocuous. As a corollary, the typological innocuousness of constraint summation is established within both Optimality Theory and Harmonic Grammar.
Rocznik
Strony
251--294
Opis fizyczny
Bibliogr. 34 poz., tab.
Twórcy
  • CNRS, University of Paris 8
  • University of Lausanne
Bibliografia
  • [1]. Adam ALBRIGHT (2010), Base-driven leveling in Yiddish verb paradigms, Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 28(3):475-537.
  • [2]. Marlow ANDERSON and Todd FEIL (1988), Lattice ordered groups: an introduction, D. Reidel Publishing Company, Dordrecht.
  • [3]. Laure BENUA (1997), Transderivational identity: phonological relations between words, Ph.D. thesis, University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
  • [4]. Juliette BLEVINS (2004), Evolutionary phonology: the emergence of sound patterns, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
  • [5]. Paul BOERSMA and Silke HAMANN (2008), The evolution of auditory dispersion in bidirectional constraint grammars, Phonology, 25:217-270.
  • [6]. Jon P. DAYLEY (1989), Tümpisa (Panamint) Shoshone grammar, University of California Press, Berkley.
  • [7]. Edward FLEMMING (2002), Auditory representations in phonology, Routledge.
  • [8]. Edward FLEMMING (2004), Contrast and perceptual distinctiveness, in Bruce HAYES, Robert KIRCHNER, and Donca STERIADE, editors, Phonetically-based phonology, pp. 232-276, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
  • [9]. Edward FLEMMING (2008), The realized input, unpublished manuscript, MIT.
  • [10]. Edward FLEMMING (2017a), Dispersion effects in phonology, https://sites.google.com/site/parisseminarcalt/home/edwardscourse,handouts for a three-day course in Paris.
  • [11]. Edward FLEMMING (2017b), Dispersion Theory and phonology, in Mark ARONOFF, editor, The Oxford research encyclopedia of linguistics, Oxford University Press, Oxford.
  • [12]. John A. GOLDSMITH (1990), Autosegmental and metrical phonology, Basil Blackwell, Oxford.
  • [13]. John A. GOLDSMITH (1991), Phonology as an intelligent system, in Donna Jo NAPOLI and Judy KEGL, editors, Bridges between psychology and linguistics: a Swarthmore festschrift for Lila Gleitman, pp. 247-267, Lawrence Erlbaum, Mahwah, NJ.
  • [14]. Gregory K. IVERSON and Joseph C. SALMONS (1996), Mixtec prenasalization as hyper-voicing, International Journal of American Linguistics, 62:165-175.
  • [15]. Frank KELLER (2000), Gradience in Grammar. Experimental and computational aspects of degrees of grammaticality, Ph.D. thesis, University of Edinburgh.
  • [16]. Frank KELLER (2006), Linear Optimality Theory as a model of gradience in grammar, in Gisbert FANSELOW, Caroline FÉRY, Ralph VOGEL, and Matthias SCHLESEWSKY, editors, Gradience in grammar: generative perspectives, pp. 270-287, Oxford University Press, Oxford.
  • [17]. Michael KENSTOWICZ (1997), Base identity and uniform exponence: alternatives to cyclicity, in Jacques DURAND and Bernard LAKS, editors, Current trends in phonology: models and methods, pp. 363-394, Salford: University of Salford.
  • [18]. Géraldine LEGENDRE, Yoshiro MIYATA, and Paul SMOLENSKY (1990a), Harmonic Grammar - A formal multi-level connectionist theory of linguistic well-formedness: an application, in Morton Ann GERNSBACHER and Sharon J. DERRY, editors, Proceedings of the 12th annual conference of the Cognitive Science Society, pp. 884-891, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Hillsdale, NJ.
  • [19]. Géraldine LEGENDRE, Yoshiro MIYATA, and Paul SMOLENSKY (1990b), Harmonic Grammar - A formal multi-level connectionist theory of linguistic well-formedness: theoretical foundations, in Morton Ann GERNSBACHER and Sharon J. DERRY, editors, Proceedings of the 12th annual conference of the Cognitive Science Society, pp. 388-395, Lawrence Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ.
  • [20]. Giorgio MAGRI (2020), A principled derivation of Harmonic Grammar, in Allyson ETTINGER, Gaja JAROSZ, and Max NELSON, editors, Proceedings of the third meeting of the Society for Computation in Linguistics, Association for Computational Linguistics.
  • [21]. John J. MCCARTHY (2005), Optimal paradigms, in Laura J. DOWNING, T. Alan HALL, and Renate RAFFELSIEFEN, editors, Paradigms in phonological theory, Oxford University Press, Oxford.
  • [22]. John J. MCCARTHY and Alan PRINCE (1995), Faithfulness and reduplicative identity, in Jill BECKMAN, Suzanne URBANCZYK, and Laura WALSH DICKEY, editors, University of Massachusetts occasional papers in linguistics 18: papers in Optimality Theory, pp. 249-384, GLSA, Amherst.
  • [23]. John J. OHALA (1983), The origin of sound patterns in vocal tract constraints, in Peter F. MACNEILAGE, editor, The production of speech, pp. 189-216, Springer-Verlag, New York.
  • [24]. Joe PATER (2009), Weighted constraints in generative linguistics, Cognitive Science, 33:999-1035.
  • [25]. Christopher POTTS, Joe PATER, Karen JESNEY, Rajesh BHATT, and Michael BECKER (2010), Harmonic Grammar with linear programming: from linear systems to linguistic typology, Phonology, 27(1):1-41.
  • [26]. Alan PRINCE (2002), Entailed ranking arguments, http://roa.rutgers.edu/files/500-0202/500-0202-PRINCE-0-1.PDF, manuscript (Rutgers University). Available from the Rutgers Optimality Archive as ROA 500.
  • [27]. Alan PRINCE (2015), One tableau suffices, http://roa.rutgers.edu/content/article/files/1453_alan_prince_4.pdf, manuscript (Rutgers University). Available from the Rutgers Optimality Archive as ROA 1250.
  • [28]. Alan PRINCE and Paul SMOLENSKY (1993/2004), Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in generative grammar, Blackwell, Oxford, http://roa.rutgers.edu, original version, Technical Report CU-CS-696-93, Department of Computer Science, University of Colorado at Boulder, and Technical Report TR-2, Rutgers Center for Cognitive Science, Rutgers University, April 1993. Available from the Rutgers Optimality Archive as ROA 537.
  • [29]. Fred S. ROBERTS and Barry TESMAN (2005), Applied combinatorics, Taylor and Francis Group.
  • [30]. Paul SMOLENSKY and Géraldine LEGENDRE (2006), The Harmonic Mind, MIT Press, Cambridge, MA.
  • [31]. Juliet STANTON (2017), Constraints on the distribution of nasal-stop sequences: an argument for contrast, Ph.D. thesis, MIT.
  • [32]. Gilbert STRANG (2006), Linear Algebra and its applications, Thomson Brooks/Cole.
  • [33]. Michel TALAGRAND (2014), Upper and lower bounds for stochastic processes, Springer-Verlag, Berlin, Heidelberg.
  • [34]. Bernard TRANEL (1987), The sounds of French: An introduction, Cambridge University Press.
Uwagi
Opracowanie rekordu ze środków MNiSW, umowa Nr 461252 w ramach programu "Społeczna odpowiedzialność nauki" - moduł: Popularyzacja nauki i promocja sportu (2021).
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