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EN
This article is an analysis of hate speech directed against Roma minority based on Internet memes (colorful pictures with comments on leisure and entertainment websites). It explains legal functioning of this phenomenon in Poland and indicates related dangers. The article presents a sociological research which demonstrates that Internet memos, to a large extent, shape a negative opinion of young people on Roma minority and contribute to the consolidation of harmful stereotypes. In extreme situations, they may also lead to open hostility and violence. The author suggests that especially teachers and informal educators conducting classes on Roma community must pay attention to this phenomenon.
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tom 1
253-264
EN
(Title in Roma language: E Rromenqeri kultura dr-o muzeum). In the context of museum exposition space the author attempts to define which elements of culture are to be considered specifically Romani. He comes to conclusion that nearly the entire material culture of Roma people as well as major parts of its spiritual and social components have been absorbed from the lower stratum of the surrounding cultures. It is then quite futile to try to isolate some particularly unique complex of objects or cultural features as symptomatic of the Roma. One should regard as Romani, whatever the Roma think of as such. The Roma are in general not interested in Roma related publications, they do not tend to will to educate their children in the Roma language and even the Roma parents do not wish their children to know anything about the Roma. The question hence arises about the attitude the Roma have towards their own ethnic identity. Is it of any importance to them at all? In the past they experienced their identity negatively - as a handicap and the majority of them still feel that way today. Some of the Roma deliberately deny its background and culture, forget their language, ignore traditional customs and choose to assimilate. They are those who gained education and a better social position. Becoming aware of the traits of one's culture is one of the manifestations of ethnic identity but the set of „culture's ethnic traits' is not predefined. The national emancipation of Roma is currently being brought about by the efforts of members of the Roma elite but also by encouragement coming from the general population which consider ethnic identity to be a crucial component of their culture and who demand it from the rest of the society. Here is where the author recognizes serious problems that result from establishing 'ethnic museums' - the Roma ones in this case. This should be accompanied with cautious and sensible cultural policy on national level.
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2015
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tom 8
73-97
EN
This article discusses various dilemmas that are related to historical and contemporary processes of Romani identity formation through an examination of what I consider as Romani acts of memory. By so doing, I reflect upon what has been called “the Romani movement” and the ways in which this social movement has hitherto been represented in the literature. I argue that an analysis of the Romani movement from the perspective of enactments of memory sheds new light on the hard and complex labor of Romani identity formation, as well as on the prevailing historiographies of the Romani movement.
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2015
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tom 8
99-114
EN
The EU policy towards the Rroms was formulated in the European Commission’s 2011 Communication. It was shaped by consultations with Rroms and the Member States. To a great extent, it was also consistent with pro-development of objectives of the EU. The Europe 2020 strategy focuses on employment, education, housing and access to medical services which are also response to a bad situation of Rroms in these areas. However, the EU does not concentrate on the problem of discrimination too much. What is more, the EU claims that after reaching a certain level of socio-economic indicators, the problem is solved automatically. Discrimination will not disappear without a deliberate intervention unless the Rroms assimilate. However, neither they, nor – at least theoretically – the EU accepts it. The main problem connected with Rroms’ articulation of needs, is the matter of legitimacy of representation of this group’s interests. The so-called “new leaders” are responsible for keeping contacts with the mainstream society. They formulate Rroms’ needs and influence the policy of the EU and the Member States. Unfortunately, they represent only small groups of Rroms. Moreover, In order to legitimize the representation of the Rromani society, they have to be a part of the Rromani community and submit to rules coming from traditional values. Due to these limitations, it is difficult to determine what are Rroms’ real expectations regarding the policy of the EU and the Member States towards them. On the basis of the Declaration of a Rromani Nation (IRU, 2000) and social practice, it may be supposed that the Rroms expect mainly the elimination of discrimination and respecting human rights. However, in practice, they receive a vague promise that discrimination will disappear in the future, provided that they join the mainstream of social and economic life of Europe.
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nr 4
487 – 500
EN
This paper discusses the etic construction of Slovak Roma as a homogenous group essentialised as a marginal, disconnected, uneducated and asocial “other”. The authors acknowledge the severe situation of exclusion suffered by many Roma in Slovakia but argue that diverse social positionalities also exist which are often ignored. Grounded in field research and ethnographic knowledge, the present paper deconstructs Roma homogeneity and tries to provide inside optics to different Roma conceptions. In doing so, the Roma agency is located in different fields, which opens new questions for research. Social situations which avoid the cliché of marginality make it possible to explore the existent interrelations between the overrepresentation of supposed Roma homogeneity and otherness and the muted existence of their counter-part – dominating non-Roma. Using methodological approaches close to whiteness studies, the authors attempt to go beyond approaches focusing on Roma as the exotic others. The role of non-Roma agency and power structures omnipresent in everyday life will be discussed as a key factor often muted in etic constructions of Roma.
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nr 4
311 – 323
EN
This article critically compares Roma experience of the key role of employment in the period of Communism with that during the following two decades. It draws on my experience as an ethnological researcher from 1969 onwards and also later as an investigator evaluating Roma inclusion programmes for the European Commission in countries seeking membership of the European Union. It comes to the depressing conclusion that the majority of Roma remain largely excluded from mainstream society in spite of their own considerable efforts to improve their economic and social standing, as well as various initiatives of the European Union and NGOs. This situation poses a threat not only to Roma themselves but to the stability of the countries in which they live.
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tom 69
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nr 1
116 - 136
EN
Despite numerous efforts of Roma inclusion from various State and non-governmental organisations, segregation and socioeconomic marginalisation of the Roma is still widespread in Slovakia. In this paper, we show what social-psychological factors intervene into the process of intergroup relations change and how they can influence the effectiveness of interventions to reduce antigypsyism. We contend that establishing intergroup harmony between majority and minority may, by creating false assumptions about the absence of structural inequalities, weaken the potential for social change and minority collective action. Based on the theoretical analysis as well as the content analysis of anti-discrimination interventions carried out in the year 2018 and the thematic analysis of interviews with selected stakeholders (NGO representatives, intervention participants, sponsors) we identified four challenges that need to be tackled if the interventions are to succeed in reducing antigypsyism. These are: 1) essentializing vs. empowerment of minorities; 2) tension between the colour blind and multiculturalism approaches; 3) problem of intergroup boundaries and their consequences for generalization of positive intergroup attitudes to the whole outgroup; and 4) societal norms defining the nature of intergroup relations. We discuss how these challenges ought to be addressed in successful anti-discrimination interventions.
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2015
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tom 8
55-72
EN
The article presents the genealogy of the process of self-organization of German Sinti in the context of the aftermath of the Nazi persecution of this group. The author points out the ambivalent construction of Sinti identity that has been developed in the course of the fight for compensation. It consists of the conviction of having been an integral part of the German society as well as the feeling of having been excluded from this society. This ambiguity is interpreted in terms of an anthropological model of double coding, in which identity is understood as a dynamic process of building the relations between the external and internal boundaries of the group. This model has been subsequently used in the description of the relations between Sinti and Roma.
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nr 4
419 – 435
EN
The article makes an overview of the groups labelled as Gypsy/Roma and minority policies related to Roma in present day of Montenegro. It discusses how – in view of the processes in the region and in the course of the state’s EU-integration –the top-down approach of adopting definitions centred on the terms “Roma and Egyptians” and “Roma” have influenced the state politics of identity regarding supporting and promoting new identities, as well as reinforcing the label “Roma” and “Romani” for all communities considered of common (Gypsy/Roma) origin. Further on, the impact of EU-integration discourse on legislation and setting up Romani and Egyptian organizations is discussed within the public policies sector. Finally, I discuss initiatives and resources for publishing in Romani language in a country where a great part of the groups considered being of Romani origin speak another language as a mother tongue. My main argument is that the minority protection EU-conditionality and the special focus on the rights of the Roma, have led to an “import” of Roma issues for “solving”, along with copy-pasting of activities that supposedly aim to flag Romani identity and language even though neither Romani identity nor Romani language are characteristic for all communities labelled as “Roma”.
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nr 4
383 – 403
EN
The article focuses on language changes in Romani spoken by Slovak emigrants to England and re-emigrants to Slovakia or by people residing alternately in both countries as the case may be. The changes are monitored separately in two Romani groups: the so called Slovak Roma (speakers of the Northern-Central dialect of Romani) and the Vlax Roma (speakers of the Slovak variety of the Lovari dialect). The author addresses the way the language is influenced both by the changes of the environment and lifestyle and the changes of the contact language. He mostly focuses on adult respondents whose contact language has really changed during their life. He concentrates on one striking and unexpected change: the change of the system according to which toponyms, specifically town names, are created in Romani. First the author submits the survey of the system in the pre-emigration situation that has not been systematically published for either of the examined dialects. Further on, he introduces the changes the described system has gone through in both the dialects due to the influence of migration to Western Europe and he cautiously attempts to suggest interpretation of the examined phenomenon.
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nr 4
413 – 431
EN
In 2010 the Institute of Ethnology of the Slovak Academy of Science achieved the research project to measure the influence of religious missions toward the social inclusion of Roma in Slovakia- the SIRONA Project (Social Inclusion of the Roma by the Religious Pathway). In the beginning we think about methodological approaches of studying subjective perceptions of social change. Later we try to identify the mechanisms influencing the effectiveness/ the ineffectiveness of social change, among others mostly the importance of pastoral discourse and its potential to be pro-exclusive, or pro-inclusive. At the same time we tried to explain this phenomenon from the perspective of social theories of social capital, social networks and social bonds. We come up with the conclusion that religious change has very strong potential to bring about social change which apparently can lead also to social inclusion.
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nr 4
397–411
EN
This paper discusses the outcomes of power asymmetries in Slovak municipalities with Roma population and presents examples how local Roma leaders resist the non-Roma dominance by active participation in local elections. Presenting data from field research and long-term repeated observations, the paper shows successful strategies of elected Roma mayors who disrupt the usual perception of the Roma as objects of decision-making process and passive recipients of various policies. In these paternalistic beliefs Roma have never been seen as actors who can control resources, who could hold the political power and who could decide how to use the resources. Although the Roma have penetrated the power structures of many municipalities, they are not able to wipe out invisible ethnic boundaries, or, at least, to soften and disrupt them. However, as the text illustrates, it seems that the political power asymmetries in a significant number of municipalities are being balanced, nevertheless, the symbolic dominance and symbolic power of non-Roma still persists.
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nr 4
452 – 466
EN
Opinions of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM) cover the situation of all national minorities in all state parties of the Council of Europe who signed and ratified the FCNM since its adoption in 1998. The situation of Roma, Sinti and Travellers is an important issue in the most of these documents. This paper will analyse how the FCNM opinions use the terms Roma, Sinti, Travellers, Gypsies and other appellations in respect of groups and people who are targeted in these texts. Moreover, the FCNM is an instrument which is in existence for 20 years and during that time the opinions were drafted by various compositions of experts in the Advisory Committee and were reflecting various trends and socio-political situations in Europe and respective State parties of the FCNM. This paper will analyse the texts of the past opinions. The author takes advantage of his personal experience as a member of the Advisory Committee for FCNM between 2014 and 2018 and reflects on the most recent developments in approaches towards labelling the Roma in the opinions of the Advisory Committee for FCNM.
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tom 8
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nr 2
79 – 89
EN
The contribution describes the relevant methodological differences among three most extensive surveys of Roma communities in Slovakia, called Atlas of Roma communities from the years 2004, 2013 and 2019. Subsequently according to data of these surveys it presents political participation of Roma in local municipalities of Prešov self-governing region.
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nr 4
324 – 339
EN
Antigypsyism has been frequently said to be a racist ideology. However, although some studies have engaged with the ‘racist’ component of the thesis, almost no work has been done in terms of specifying what ideology is and how a certain conception of it can enhance the understanding of antigypsyism both as a concept and empirical phenomenon. This paper explores the potential of the Lacanian theory of ideology as exemplified by Slavoj Žižek for developing antigypsyism research. Overcoming the problem of false consciousness, Žižek’s conception offers an analytical framework that allows re-examining and elaborating on certain issues from the perspective which weaves social and psychic realities without falling into the traps of psychological reductionism. To illustrate this, this paper presents a Žižekian analysis of three issues that correspond to different aspects of the antigypsyist phenomenon identified via ethnographic research among the non-Roma inhabitants of a declining neighbourhood with a significant Roma presence in Czechia. The issues are called envy, corruption and ‘hard racism’.
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nr 4
467 – 486
EN
In this article, I criticise two main approaches to Roma identity: cultural essentialism and social relationism. As a result of this criticism, I argue for a multidimensional concept of identity which would incorporate the cultural and social perspectives supplemented by an historical approach. I develop this concept in relation to empirical data collected in my research to prove false the thesis that the cultural substance of a group’s life can be treated as an independent variable and to show that groups with similar cultural values may have different standpoints regarding some important issues (for example gender constructs) and that culturally different groups may have similar views. Then, with the help of system theory and symbolic anthropology, I present Roma identities as the result of “double encoding” where by the existential anxieties associated with transgression of the social boundary are transformed into concrete fears related to cultural boundaries, and vice versa. This process is framed in history which means, firstly, that it takes different forms in different times and, secondly, that the transgression of boundary that has occurred in the past has a significant impact on the present identities. I illustrate this impact by the different fate of Polish and Slovak Roma communities during the Holocaust which still influences the way in which these communities encode the boundary between Roma and non-Roma into the boundary between cultural constructs of men and women.
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tom 47
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nr 4
657-681
EN
Roma urban enclaves can be characterised as social peripheries or so-called excluded localities in which poverty and unemployment are concentrated. The separation of the Roma from the majority occurs both in the social space and in the educational system through the existence of sub-standard, low-demanding basic schools, where the majority of students are Roma. Both spatial and educational exclusion have become the subject of public debate, policies, and, in the case of schools, of international legal disputes. In the article the authors ask what mechanisms lie behind the existence/functioning of ‘Roma schools’ in the vicinity of deprived urban enclaves with Roma populations. To answer this question they introduce the concept of ethnically segmented local education markets, which emerged in large cities after 1989. These markets interconnect deprived Roma localities with ‘Roma schools’ and are a part of the wider problem of the low social mobility of segregated urban Roma. The authors show that the ethnically segmented education market is shaped by three factors: (a) the spatial structure, (b) the institutional framework, including law and policy as well as schools, and (c) the educational strategies of both Roma and non-Roma parents. The data the authors used in the analysis came from the Czech part of an international quantitative and qualitative study in which more than 920 questionnaires were completed by students and teachers and 80 interviews were conducted with students, parents and teachers in two large Czech cities. For a better understanding of the authors’ basic argument they chose just one segmented local market as an illustrative example.
EN
This study aims to attempt to elucidate how a complex network of language ideologies affects the attitudes of the language community of the Roma in Slovakia towards Romani and how certain language ideologies lead to particular language practices depending on how they represent the interests of an individual (or a group). As language ideologies related to the Roma’s attitudes to Romani and their communication practices represent a complex system of interrelated ideologies, two language ideologies shall be defined as fundamental for the purposes of this study: the ideology of a minority language and the ideology of the language of a national minority. These two ideologies shall be understood as opposing each other. The ideology of a minority language carries negative connotations. It is characterized mainly by the view of Romani as an inferior language, which is shared by the majority population and consequently also by some members of the minority group. This ideology is related to accepting the absolute dominance of the official state language, the ideology of the harmfulness of bilingualism, and the ideology of language assimilation. The ideology of the language of a national minority, on the other hand, has some positive connotations. It includes the ideology of a fully-fledged language, the ideology of the equality of all languages, the ideology of standard language, or the ideology of children’s right to education in their mother tongue. Both fundamental language ideologies are framed by the ideology of official language and the ideology of bilingualism, which acquire different manifestations in these systems.
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nr 3
306 - 322
EN
This paper analyses the religious conversion of Roma in a region of eastern Slovakia of mixed ethnic and religious composition, focusing on the most important factors which influence this phenomenon. The conclusions also take account of the heterogeneity of Roma in the locality under examination, since the Romani communities there have different social levels, living conditions and degrees of contact with the majority. Religious conversion is a complicated process, with a number of determinants playing their parts. For the purposes of the paper’s interpretative framework, it seems most advantageous to use the stage model of religious conversion; family and social bonds are equally important, and also the personality of the missionary. The disposition of Roma towards religious conversion is strikingly influenced by the factors of social control and the firm social structure in the community. Analysis of the conversion narratives has shown that an individual crisis in various life situations, together with personal and social factors, functions as the starting mechanism of religious conversion. The fact, that in several localities Roma have a tendency to convert in larger numbers may be caused by the fact that social exclusion can evoke more individual crisis situations, which in certain circumstances (presence of a religious mission, weakened social structure of the community etc.) can result in larger waves of religious conversions.
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2016
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tom 48
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nr 3
247 – 266
EN
In 2004 8 Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries (Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia) joined the EU in an expansion popularly known as the Accession, or A8. As part of this arrangement the Slovakian Roma community settled in Govanhill, a neighbourhood in the South-Side of Glasgow, Scotland. Immediately, there was widespread outcry, followed by public debate, on the numbers involved and the impact on local services. One of the claims made was that, because of a ‘unique’ history of ‘self-isolation’, the Roma had altered local policing needs. There were widespread media anecdotes of anti-social behaviour but also racist victimization. Using material available post-A8 Govanhill, this synthesizes the debate on Roma settlement against the wider canvass of Scottish reception and assimilation of immigrants. The author claims that post-A8 phobia of the Roma is part of an unsustainable ideology of Scotland as a post-racial ‘welcoming country’ which has occluded a nuanced interrogation of the capacity of the country to welcome and successfully integrate immigrants.
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