Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

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Społeczna genealogia inteligencji polskiej

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Chałasiński J.

Studia Litteraria et Historica

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2018

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nr 7

EN

Social genealogy of the Polish intelligentsiaThe text is a reprint of the second chapter of Józef Chałasiński’s essay Social genealogy of the Polish intelligentsia, originally published in 1946. Społeczna genealogia inteligencji polskiejTekst jest przedrukiem drugiego rozdziału eseju Józefa Chałasińskiego pt. Społeczna genealogia inteligencji polskiej, pierwotnie opublikowanego w 1946 roku.

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Idea przeobrażenia świata w środowisku rosyjskiej inteligencji

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Kaźmierczyk Z.

Acta Neophilologica

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2019

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tom XXI/2

77-90

EN

This paper displays the birth of the Russian intelligentsia and demonstrates the differences between educated people and members of the intelligentsia. It proves that each member of the intelligentsia is educated, while not every educated person is a member of the intelligentsia. Such a person needs to be fanatically devoted to the idea of the emancipation of the people, which is followed by atheists. The paper distinguishes the Russian intelligentsia and the Polish intelligentsia. It discovers the destructiveness of the intelligentsia based on the Gnostic-Manichaean foundation. It emphasizes the anti-worldness of the secularization of religious beliefs and ideas which are averse to the world as such. It proves that the Russian idea of the world transformation is motivated by destructive desires: hatred towards life, towards existence in bodily and physical mortal life. The author of the paper proves that the response to the destructive potential of the idea of the absolute world transformation triggered the beginnings of the Russian religious rebirth – the return to the metahistorical dimension of the Russian idea.

3

Social Dialogue Under the Supremacy of the Intelligentsia

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Zarycki T.

Warsaw Forum of Economic Sociology

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2014

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tom 5

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nr 10

69-79

EN

The paper addresses the issue of the role, which intelligentsia, a specific social group to be encountered in Eastern Europe only, is to play within the field of social dialogue. The author argues that intelligentsia still has a capacity to make impact on the processes of social dialogue due to possessing adequate level of culture capital, which other influential social groups, including the entrepreneurs, lack. Intelligentsia should be, thus, regarded a principal actor in Polish society.

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Profesor Halina Taborska w Pułtusku, czyli ostatni inteligencki „zajazd” na Mazowszu

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Wojciechowski J. S.

Przegląd Historyczno-Oświatowy

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2021

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tom LXIV

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nr 3-4

96-106

EN

Aim: The article seeks to document an episode from the history of Prof. Halina Taborska’s many academic achievements, namely the Institute of European Culture at the Higher School of Humanities (later the Academy of Humanities) in Pułtusk, from the perspective of management sciences in the field of humanities. Methods: The article is an autoetnographic paper in which documents from the author’s private archives were analyzed. As the Deputy Director of the Institute, he was both the originator of and the witness to the events described. Results: We get a picture of a specific area of the educational practice in Mazovia in the years 1999–2006. We witness the efforts undertaken by Prof. Taborska, the Institute Director, to build a high-quality academic institution of an international reach where education was provided in the field of applied cultural studies by combining didactics with research, seminars, conferences and exhibition activities. Conclusions: An insight into a little-known fact from the history of the formation of non-state academic education outside the main educational centers in Poland after 1989. It proves it was possible to establish – in a completely new organizational environment and in the country – an institution having an international reach. It operated thanks to the efforts of a teaching personality which grew looking up to strong and intelligentsia role models.

5

Inteligenckie biografie na Białorusi. Studium przypadku

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Mamul N.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2013

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nr 42

EN

Intelligentsia biographies in Belarus. A case studyDrawing on a case study from the body of empirical research which includes 30 narrative interviews conducted using Fritz Schuetze’s biographical method with male and female residents of Belarus, the author explores the process of Belarusian identity formation of a Belarusian-speaking dissenting intellectual. The case study is drawn from the author’s research into the ways in which Belarusian-speaking intellectuals (the group locating itself in opposition to the establishment by the very recourse to the literary Belarusian language of instruction and everyday life as well as other dissenting identity markers) conceptualize and hone their national identity. One can trace the path towards fully-fledged Belarusian identity which unrolls via turning points, thanks to significant others through participation in intelligentsia circles. One of the membership rules in the social world of intelligentsia is the use of the high-profile Belarusian language. The interpretive analysis is set against the backdrop of the socio-linguistic situation in contemporary Belarus with its authoritarian regime, advanced Russification, contested memory field, restrained memory work and conflicting historical and national discourses.

6

Inteligencja i Zagłada. Rozpraszanie obrazu [The intelligentsia and the Holocaust. Dispersing the image]

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Chmielewska K.

Studia Litteraria et Historica

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2018

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nr 7

EN

The intelligentsia and the Holocaust. Dispersing the imageThis paper in the field of cultural memory studies addresses the workings of memory, or more precisely – a politics of memory whereby the image of the intelligentsia and its role in the Holocaust vanishes from the collective consciousness. The relative visibility of peasants denouncing Jews, murdering them and plundering their property is accompanied by an invisibility of the intelligentsia and its essential role in reinforcing the exclusion and antisemitic patterns of behavior before the Holocaust which facilitated direct involvement in these events, as well as an invisibility of the intelligentsia’s own participation in the events of the Holocaust. Inteligencja i Zagłada. Rozpraszanie obrazuTekst z zakresu badań nad pamięcią kulturową dotyczy pracy pamięci, a właściwie polityki pamięci, w której ramach ze społecznej świadomości znika obraz inteligencji i jej roli podczas Zagłady. Względnej widzialności chłopskiego wydawania Żydów, ich mordowania i grabienia towarzyszy niewidzialność inteligencji i jej kluczowej roli w reprodukowaniu wykluczenia i wzorów antysemickich poprzedzających Zagładę i umożliwiających bezpośrednie zaangażowanie w wydarzenia, a także jej własnego udziału w Zagładzie.

7

Inteligenckie biografie na Białorusi. Studium przypadku

80%

Mamul N.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2013

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nr 42

169-178

EN

Drawing on a case study from the body of empirical research which includes 30 narrative interviews conducted using Fritz Schuetze’s biographical method with male and female residents of Belarus, the author explores the process of Belarusian identity formation of a Belarusian-speaking dissenting intellectual. The case study is drawn from the author’s research into the ways in which Belarusian-speaking intellectuals (the group locating itself in opposition to the establishment by the very recourse to the literary Belarusian language of instruction and everyday life as well as other dissenting identity markers) conceptualize and hone their national identity. One can trace the path towards fully-fledged Belarusian identity which unrolls via turning points, thanks to significant others through participation in intelligentsia circles. One of the membership rules in the social world of intelligentsia is the use of the high-profile Belarusian language. The interpretive analysis is set against the backdrop of the socio-linguistic situation in contemporary Belarus with its authoritarian regime, advanced Russification, contested memory field, restrained memory work and conflicting historical and national discourses.

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Opoziční inteligence za vlády Kateřiny II. a Alexandra I. jako předchůdce ruských anarchistů. Příklad Alexandra Nikolajeviče Radiščeva a Nikolaje Ivanoviče Turgeněva

70%

Hrebiková A.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2018

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tom 104

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nr 3

517-531

EN

Within the search for the roots of the Russian anarchistic movements, the study deals with the early aristocratic intelligentsia during the reign of Catherine II and Alexander I. Based on a biographic summary of the activity and analyses of the work of the writer of Catherine’s time Alexander Nikolayevich Radishchev and the participant of the Dekabrist movement at the beginning of the 19th century Nikolay Ivanovich Turgenev, the aim of the study is to prove the existence of the forming class of the intelligentsia and its clear influence on the subsequent Russian social or liberal movements, including the anarchists. The study points out mainly the problematic issue of serfdom, the critique of this phenomenon and the effort for its abolition. The question of serfdom is shown in the study as a theme, which most connected the early Russian intelligentsia and the anarchistic movement.

9

Интеллигенция как «душа России». Парадоксы и проблемы русского окцидентализма

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Broda M. , Uniwersytet Łódzki W. S. P.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Rossica

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2014

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tom 07

EN

The concept of ‘soul’ has for ages been a widespread and central category in the Russian national tradition, one through which the Russians seek to express their way of feeling and of comprehending their own community, territory, sense of existence, place and mission in the world. Thus, Russia is often treated as the ‘soul of the world,’ whereas her central power – actual (real) or potential (expected) – as the ‘soul of Russia.’ One of the consequences of the transformation over the last few centuries, symbolised by the name of Peter I, has been the emergence and rise of the Russian intelligentsia, perceived there, and perceiving itself, as at once an intellectual, cultural, ethical, social, political, ideological, historiosophical, and even quasi-sacral formation. In many ideas of the representatives of the Russian educated class the motif of ‘Russia’s soul,’ capable of reviving, revitalising and of transforming the existing reality, is associated namely with the intelligentsia. It is possible to find in them – even in those programmatically antisystemic and radically occidental – a whole array of features, structures and content typical of the Russian mental-cultural system, together with ways of perceiving, conceptualizing and problematizing the world – such that is, paradoxically, shared with the ideologies and supporters of the existing social order.

10

Historiografický přístup k osobnosti Alexandra Nikolajeviče Radiščeva během 20. a 21. století:

70%

Hrebiková A.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2020

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tom 106

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nr 3

569-585

EN

Focus of this article is on the way historians and researchers understand perhaps the most important intellectuals of the era of the rule of Tsarina Catherine the Great – Alexander Nikolayevich Radishchev. The article goes in depth in its analysis of the standpoints of the most influential academic authors of the 20th century towards Radishchev. Based on the academic acclaim of his persona and Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow, his renowned work, the article ponders upon whether his example can be used to illustrate the pattern of historiographic approach towards Russian intelligentsia as such or whether he stands out unprecedented to such a degree as a persona of Russian cultural and social history that no such general claims can be proposed. The study also debates whether the status of Radishchev amongst the Russian intelligentsia is justifiable based on his opinions or whether it comes as a product of Soviet historiography that brought upon Radishchev the profane title of “the first Russian revolutionary”.

11

Problematyka inteligencji w pracach polskich socjologów okresu międzywojennego

70%

Górski P.

Kwartalnik Historii Nauki i Techniki

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2007

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tom R. 52, nr 3/4

131-164

EN

The paper deals with the issue of Polish intelligentsia in the inter-war period 1918-1939). In the introduction, the author presents various approaches that can be adopted in investigating this problem, approaches that focus on the analysis of the social awareness of that social stratum and on its transformations form the perspective of social structure. Further on in the paper, the author points to the image of Polish intelligentsia of that period as it emerges from an analysis of the feature writing of the period, i.e. the image of the intelligentsia's self-awareness, and to the image that is revealed in the writings of historians of the inter-war period. Finally, in the main section of the paper the author presents the views of four sociologists who lived and worked in the interw period who dealt with the issue of the Polish intelligentsia: Florian Znaniec (1882-1958), Aleksander Hertz (1895-1983), Stanislaw Rychliiiski (1903-1944) and Józef Chałasiński (1904-1979). The views of those sociologists are juxtaposed with opinions of journalists and historians, to see how valuable and original such views wet Their views on the intelligentsia are also analysed against the background of the developments in sociology of that period, of the areas or interest of the sociologists involve and of the theoretical frameworks which they followed. The sociologists' research on intelintelligentsia can be seen as part of a wider range of studies on transformations in culture (Znaniecki, Hertz) and social structure (Rychliński, Chałasiński). All four sociologists pointed to the changes that the Polish intelligentsia was subject to and to the problems involved in implementing its leadership role. Apart from Chałasiński, the sociologists appreciated the positive role of the intelligentsia in Polish society and indicated the need to take measures aimed at reconstructing the paths of advancement into the social elit a great role in which was attributed to educational institutions. The issues of social ai vancement, and especially the discussions concerning the social elite, were well intur with debates that were to be found in magazines and journals, but they were characterized by a different, sociological perspective, which took account of the transformation in social structure and in culture, and of the achievements of the rapidly developing subdiscipline of sociology, namely the sociology of education.

12

Pathogenesis of the Polish Public Sphere. The Intelligentsia and Popular Unrest during and after the 1905 Revolution

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Śmiechowski K. , Marzec W.

Polish Sociological Review

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2016

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tom 196

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nr 4

437-458

EN

In this paper we analyze the nascent years of the Polish public sphere during the years before and after the 1905 Revolution. We assert that it was a moment of clash between, on the one hand, the intelligentsia and its de facto bourgeois vision of politics, and on the other a rising proletarian counter-public. The popular unrest initiated a massive upsurge of workers into the process of mass politics. As we argue, this situation shocked the elites, attached to their utopian vision of the Polish people, “enlightened” from above by the intelligentsia. Consequently, their reaction was ambivalent, if not reluctant. The intelligentsia’s attitude was growingly tainted with a conservative fear of the masses, which inhibited the development of plebeian constituencies and forms of political articulation. This posed a cornerstone for the future layering of the public sphere, leading to what we call its pathogenesis. It produced outcomes lasting for years, as well as a general contempt towards democratic demands resulting in the impossibility of collective bargaining about popular economic interests.

13

„Książka nieufności”. O Rosji Czesława Miłosza

70%

Wedemann M.

Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Literacka

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2012

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nr 20

151-166

EN

The article is a review of an extensive, two-volume collection of Miłosz’s statements entitled Rosja. Widzenia transoceaniczne [Russia: Transoceanic Views]. The reviewer, apart from a standard presentation and evaluation of the published work, attempts to discover a deeper sense of the decision to publish, “here and now”, Miłosz’s statements on Russian issues. The collection, which rounds up previously unknown texts written between 1936 and 2004, makes it possible to understand Miłosz’s writings on Russia as a continuation of Marian Zdziechowski’s essays written between the wars, where uncompromising denunciation of the “Eastern peril” was combined with deep respect and sympathy for a Russia that was not imperial.

14

Witaj bracie, pisać nadal trudno. Raz jeszcze o reakcji rosyjskich intelektualistów na wydarzenia 2014 roku

60%

Morawiecki J.

Academic Journal of Modern Philology

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2021

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nr 14

275–287

EN

This article attempts to present, summarize and develop an essay Witaj bracie, pisać bardzo trudno (Hello brother, it is very difficult to write). The essay under scrutiny was devoted to the reception of changes in public discourse by Russian intellectuals after the occupation of Crimea. The following features were the most important ones: diagnosing anomie, shock, caused by an unexpected cultural change; weak presence of pro-European rhetoric in the messages of authors considered to be pro-Western (occidentalists); stigmatization of intellectuals (restoration of the category of “fifth column and traitors of the nation”), as well as their self-stigmatization (recalling the nineteenthcentury category of “superfluous man”); historical references to the times of Tsar Nicholas I and Leonid Brezhnev (no references to the Stalinist period, which will appear after 2015); replacement of the term “public opinion” with the “mass-media effect”; belief in degradation, social demoralization, which would result from the determinism of the “Russian way”; restoration of the Russian intelligentsia category. Finally, an attempt was made to present new determinants of social dynamics influencing the change in the Russian journalists’ discourse that intensified after the year 2015.

15

Dziewiętnastowieczna rodzina urzędnicza w rozproszeniu. Samotność, wyobcowanie, niepewność w codzienności kresowej inteligencji urzędniczej

60%

Korybut-Marciniak M.

Rocznik Antropologii Historii

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2019

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nr 12, Historia publiczna

133-147

XX

The article concerns Poles - lower officials of the administration of the Russian Empire in the nineteenth century. The initial thesis of the sketch is the belief that work in administration has a fundamental impact on family relationships, deconstruction of activities, and family separation of officials lasting many years. The source of the article is manuscript epistolography and memorial sources of impoverished noble families: Doliński and Łazarowicz. In the article, I analyze reasons for choosing work in administration, the reality of office work; I also ask about the identity of family members who have dispersed as a result of choosing to work in the Russian administration.

16

Incomplete Intelligentsia: Efforts of Folk Teachers to Improve Their Social Status within the Habsburg Monarchy

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Bogus-Spyra M.

Acta Poloniae Historica

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2020

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tom 121

PL

As part of the modernisation process, the authorities of major European countries ascribed to teachers of people’s schools the role of educating the lower strata of society (inhabitants of villages, manual workers, etc.). Similarly, they put this professional group in charge of the realisation of the hidden purpose of state education: shaping subjects so that they would accept the social and political order. Given their required education and the social tasks they undertook, it was assumed folk teachers would be associated with opinion-forming groups and the intelligentsia. However, in fact, for a long time, they were denied belonging to either of these groups. During the long nineteenth century, they had to struggle with a negative reception of their efforts in those circles in which the school and the teacher were perceived as unnecessary institutions. In most regions of Central Europe, for example in Austrian Silesia, thanks to the improvements of the professional competencies of the teachers and their dedication in fulfilling their obligations, both at school and outside it, the teachers and their organisations were successful in changing this perception of them. They were also actively involved in the political activities of various national camps. Nevertheless, in most official institutions, they were not the ones making the most important decisions concerning elementary education. At the same time, however, without their cooperation, none of the educational and social plans would have been implemented in practice.Thanks to their participation in the public life of local communities, especially rural ones, over time they became the new opinion-formers, playing the role of an intelligentsia that works among the people. They were not only elementary education specialists, but also pedagogues, activity-inspirers for the adult inhabitants, and experts in dealing with all kinds of situations and emergency issues.

17

How Do Local Conditions Inform Socio-Political Language? The Concept of ‘Intelligentsia’ in Łódź Press before the Mid-Twentieth Century

60%

Śmiechowski K.

Acta Poloniae Historica

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2021

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tom 122

135-163

PL

This article seeks to answer the question of whether the local conditions or determinants influence the socio-political language. Within the context of the nationwide discourse in the nineteenth-century Kingdom of Poland, an analysis follows how the concept of ‘intelligentsia’ functioned in the local press from the industrial city of Łódź. A source analysis leads to the conclusion that in the specific circumstances, of which the social mix was a constituent, certain notions of a defined meaning in the countrywide context may be interpreted in a manner divergent from the rule. As the social structure of Łódź was becoming more and more similar to that of Warsaw and other big cities, the differences in the definitions of the term ‘intelligentsia’ were gradually smoothening out.

18

„To nie jest kwestia wyboru”. Z Aleksandrem Smolarem rozmawia Konrad Matyjaszek [“It’s not a matter of choice.” Aleksander Smolar interviewed by Konrad Matyjaszek]

60%

Matyjaszek K.

Studia Litteraria et Historica

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2018

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nr 7

EN

“It’s not a matter of choice.” Aleksander Smolar interviewed by Konrad MatyjaszekKonrad Matyjaszek’s interview with Aleksander Smolar focuses on the contemporary Polish intelligentsia, identified as a social group and a social milieu, and on this group’s self-image produced in relation to antisemitism, understood here both as a set of violence-based public activities and practices, and as an excluding prejudice that constitutes a component of the Polish culture. Aleksander Smolar discusses the history of Aneks, the Polish-language émigré socio-cultural journal, whose editor-in-chief he remained during the entire time of its activity (1973–1990). He talks about the political conditions and forms of pressure directed at the Aneks’s editorial board, composed in majority of persons forced to emigrate from Poland during the antisemitic campaign of March 1968, he also mentions the post-1968 shift of the Polish sphere of culture towards the political right and conservatism, and the rapprochement between the left-wing opposition circles and the organizations associated with the Catholic Church that was initiated in the 1970s. He also recounts reactions to the political changes expressed by his father, Grzegorz Smolar, a communist activist and an activist of the Jewish community in Poland. Afterwards, Smolar discusses the context of creation of his 1986 essay Taboo and innocence [Tabu i niewinność] and analyses the reasons for which the majority of the Polish intelligentsia chose not to undertake cultural critique directed against the antisemitic components of the Polish culture. „To nie jest kwestia wyboru”. Z Aleksandrem Smolarem rozmawia Konrad MatyjaszekPrzedmiotem rozmowy Konrada Matyjaszka z Aleksandrem Smolarem jest obraz własny współczesnej inteligencji polskiej jako grupy społecznej i środowiska, wytwarzany w odniesieniu do antysemityzmu, rozumianego zarówno jako zespół publicznych działań i praktyk przemocowych, jak również jako wykluczające uprzedzenie stanowiące element polskiej kultury. Aleksander Smolar opowiada o historii emigracyjnego czasopisma społeczno-kulturalnego „Aneks”, którego redaktorem naczelnym był przez cały czas istnienia pisma w latach 1973–1990. Mówi o uwarunkowaniach i presji, jakiej poddawana była redakcja „Aneksu”, składająca się w większości z osób zmuszonych do emigracji podczas antysemickiej kampanii Marca 1968 roku; o połączonym z kampanią marcową przesunięciu polskiego obiegu kultury w stronę prawicy i konserwatyzmu; o podjętym w latach siedemdziesiątych zbliżeniu środowisk lewicowej opozycji ze stowarzyszeniami powiązanymi z Kościołem katolickim. Aleksander Smolar relacjonuje reakcje na zachodzące przemiany polityczne, jakie dostrzegał u swojego ojca, działacza komunistycznego i zarazem działacza społeczności żydowskiej w Polsce, Grzegorza Smolara; opowiada też o kontekście powstania eseju swojego autorstwa Tabu i niewinność oraz o przyczynach, dla których przedstawiciele polskiej inteligencji nie decydowali się na pełne podjęcie krytyki antysemickich elementów kultury polskiej.

19

Totalne zaskoczenie inteligencji polskiej [The total astonishment of the Polish intelligentsia]

60%

Zawadzka A. , Tokarska-Bakir J. , Matyjaszek K.

Studia Litteraria et Historica

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2018

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nr 7

EN

Wstęp / Editorial

20

Inteligencja miasta przemysłowego XIX i początków XX wieku wobec polskiej niepodległości. Przykład miasta Łodzi

60%

Iwańska M.

Studia z Historii Społeczno-Gospodarczej XIX i XX Wieku

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2018

|

tom 19

51-79

EN

The turn of the 20th century, especially the time from the Polish Revolution of 1905 until the First World Was, is perceived in the Kingdom of Poland as a moment of searching for a new form of patriotism and Polishness by the Polish intelligentsia. It was a time of developing the national awareness and its spread from the local to the national domain. The present paper attempts to look at this search and these processes through the prism of journalistic discussions led by the Polish intelligentsia in Lodz. Apart from the intelligentsia’s postulates and reflections, the author is going to demonstrate specific signs of their activities, and cultural and social initiatives, which at the time were supposed to encourage and maintain Polishness in the city of Lodz, where the German and Jewish population played an important role (not only in terms of the economy). This historical analysis is also an attempt at determining the extent to which the intelligentsia in Lodz introduced original and innovative elements, stemming mainly from the industrial nature of the city, to the national patriotic debates.

PL

Przełom XIX i XX wieku, a zwłaszcza okres po rewolucji 1905–1907 roku do wybuchu I wojny światowej uznawany jest w Królestwie Polskim za moment poszukiwania przez środowiska polskiej inteligencji nowej formuły patriotyzmu, polskości, za czas poszerzania świadomości narodowej, przechodzenia od jej lokalnego do ogólnonarodowego wymiaru. W proponowanym tekście podjęta zostanie próba przyjrzenia się tym poszukiwaniom i procesom przez pryzmat dyskusji publicystycznych prowadzonych przez inteligentów polskich w Łodzi. Prócz postulatów i rozważań ukazane zostaną także konkretne przejawy ich działań, inicjatywy kulturalne i społeczne mające w tamtym czasie służyć pobudzeniu i utrzymaniu polskości w mieście, gdzie znaczącą rolę (nie tylko ekonomiczną) odgrywali przedstawiciele ludności niemieckiej i żydowskiej. Celem prowadzonej analizy historycznej jest też chęć zmierzenia się z pytaniem – w jakim stopniu przedstawiciele łódzkiej inteligencji wnosili do ogólnopolskich debat patriotycznych, narodowych wątki oryginalne i nowatorskie, wynikające przede wszystkim z industrialnego charakteru miasta?