Wyniki wyszukiwania - Biblioteka Nauki

1

Функції пасивних конструкцій в українській та німецькій мовах

100%

Cymbalista L.

Studia Ucrainica Varsoviensia

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2018

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tom 6

37-44

PL

The article deals with passive constructions in Ukrainian and German languages, their manifestation in formal syntactic and semantic structures of a sentence, researches approaches to determining the place and functions of the passive voice in texts; provides contrastive analysis of clausal topic assignment, impersonalization and detransitivation in passive constructions of various types as exemplifi ed by the material of modern fi ction. The article also describes and illustrates reasons behind an agent defocusing, proves that agent reduction and detransitivation are common features for both languages. Although clausal topic assignment is considered to be the most important function of passive voice in German, its role in Ukrainian is rather dull in comparison, which is in part caused by diff erent syntactic organization of languages under research.

2

Užívání pasivního participia v mluvené češtině: srovnání institucionální komunikace a běžného dorozumívání

84%

Mrázková K.

Časopis pro moderní filologii (Journal for Modern Philology)

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2017

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tom 99

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nr 2

181-192

EN

The article compares the use of passive participles in the spoken corpus of Czech (Oral_v4) and in speeches and dialogues recorded at local council meetings (from three towns in the Czech Republic). Although the Czech passive voice is considered to be used mainly in written texts and is sometimes even labelled as bookish, passive participles are quite common both in the spoken corpus and at the local council meetings. The analysis shows that passive participle use in the said domains differs both in frequency and in relation to grammatical, syntactical and semantic categories. In the Oral_v4 spoken corpus, which consists of everyday conversation, the most frequent grammatical form of the passive participle is the neuter singular, used typically to form not the passive voice, but the resultative, together with both the verbs být (=to be, e.g. je zavřeno) and mít (=to have, e.g. má zavřeno). On the other hand, in speeches and dialogues at local council meetings, the passive participle is used mostly to form the passive voice and none of its possible grammatical forms prevails significantly.

3

La synonymie partielle entre deux signifiants : un moteur d’évolution et de création. Le cas de la genèse, en latin, du pronominal français

84%

Joffre M.-D.

Orbis Linguarum

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2018

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nr 50

103–114

EN

The reflexive construction and some of the uses of passive voice in Latin: the mainspring of the creation of the Romanic pronominal. In Latin they are not strictly speaking pronominal verbs. Latin uses only verbal constructions with reflexive pronoun. The meaning is always reflexive: the subject acts on himself. This meaning is also expressed by passive voice which P. Flobert calls “intrinsèque”. On the other hand, in a few examples, the pronominal construction, as the passive voice does, signifies a process of which agent can’t be named. Such synonymy is the way to the development of pronominal verbs in romance languages.

4

Anglické pasivum se slovesem get v současné britské angličtině

84%

Tyčová D.

Časopis pro moderní filologii (Journal for Modern Philology)

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2019

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tom 101

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nr 1

40-53

EN

The present article is a corpus-based study of the get-passive in British English. The theoretical part focuses on the general characteristics of the get-passive, pointing out the differences between the be- and the get-passive. The empirical part analyzes 100 examples of passive constructions with get, excerpted from the Araneum Anglicum Minus corpus, from syntactic-semantic and pragmatic aspects. Our study shows that the get-passive proves to be a dynamic construction, occurring almost exclusively with dynamic verbs. Next, the subject of get-passives tends to have an agentive role, rather than the role of an affected participant. Finally, the analysis demonstrates that the get-passive occurs most frequently in situations with either an adverse or beneficial effect on the subject or person concerned. The article provides a syntactic-semantic analysis of English get-passives and aims to contribute to a more detailed description of this passive construction in contemporary British English.

5

Gdyby przysięgły człowiek widział kogo raniąc barzo, czyli o staropolskich imiesłowach nieodmiennych czasu teraźniejszego w funkcji biernej

84%

Petrov I. N. , Twardzik W. B.

Język Polski

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2014

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tom 94

63-68

PL

Artykuł porusza problematykę nietypowej funkcji biernej staropolskich czynnych imiesłowów nieodmiennych (part. praes. indecl.), nawiązując do poświęconego temu zagadnieniu artykułu A. Grybosiowej i W. Twardzika, opublikowanego w 1975 roku. Przykłady pochodzą ze średniowiecznych i renesansowych zabytków staropolskich («Rozmyślanie przemyskie», tzw. «Ortyle Maciejowskiego», «Żywot Pana Jezu Krysta» Baltazara Opeca) i prezentują trzy dotychczas nieznane zdania z przedmiotowym użyciem imiesłowów. Omówienie dostarcza ponadto dodatkowych argumentów interpretacyjnych, potwierdzających tezę o biernym znaczeniu nieodmiennych imiesłowów czynnych.

EN

The paper analyzes the curious syntactic behaviour of certain uninflected participles (part. praes. indecl.) in Old Polish, drawing on A. Grybosiowa and W. Twardzik’s 1975 article devoted to the same subject. Examples stemming from medieval and Renaissance Old Polish texts (Rozmyślanie przemyskie, the socalled Ortyle Maciejowskiego, Baltazar Opec’s Żywot Pana Jezu Krysta) present some previously unknown sentences displaying participles with object value. In addition, the study supplies further interpretational arguments confirming the hypothesis about the passive meaning of uninflected active participles.

6

Role aspektu v překladu italských pasivních konstrukcí

67%

Čechová P.

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2020

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tom 102

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nr 2

218-229

EN

This paper deals with the Italian periphrastic passive and its auxiliaries venire and essere from an aspectual point of view, based on the Czech language. After a short summary of the main differences between Czech and Italian regarding the notion of verbal aspect and periphrastic passive, it analyses a generally expected claim that in the present tense passive constructions containing the auxiliary venire should be translated into Czech with a higher incidence of imperfective verbs than of passive constructions containing the auxiliary essere. This trend should not be found in the simple past tense or in the imperfect tense. The analysis confirms a difference in the present tense, but does not confirm its absence in the past tenses. Moreover, the difference between the two auxiliaries is even more apparent in the imperfect tense.

7

The category of reflexivity in Russian

67%

Grygiel M.

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2014

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nr 11

9-24

EN

The present paper is centered around the semantics of the Russian reflexive marker seen from the perspective of a larger and often neglected category of reflexivity. Russian, among other Slavic languages, employs a system of two etymologically related markers to encode the function of reflexivity. In the case of Russian, the reflexive pronoun себя ‘-self’ constitutes the heavy marker, syntactically independent, while the light reflexive marker has two allomorphs. The variation depends on the inflectional form of the verb. The allomorph -сь appears after vowels and the -ся after consonants. In contrast, the participle forms always appear with the -ся form. Additionally, the light marker is attached to the stem after other morphological markers, such as person, number and gender. Diachronically, the light form appeared as a clitic and used to take two cases: the accusative and the dative. Through diachronic changes, the case distinction was lost forming a single marker. Typologically, in a language employing a two-marker system, the light marker tends to be polysemous, covering a range of different functions in addition to the reflexive one, as is the case in Russian. In the following analysis we will try to show that the two most common linguistic encodings of reflexivity – synthetic and analytic – are related to each other and, in fact, represent the same category.

FR

Le présent article est centré sur la sémantique du marqueur réflexif en russe, vu de la perspective d’une catégorie plus large et souvent négligée qu’est la catégorie de réflexivité. Le russe, entre autres langues slaves, utilise un système avec deux marqueurs liés étymologiquement pour traduire la fonction de réflexivité. Dans le cas du russe, le pronom réflexif себя (soi, soi-même) est un marqueur lourd, indépendant syntaxiquement, tandis que le marqueur réflexif léger a deux allomorphes. La variation dépend de la forme flexionnelle du verbe. L’allomorphe -сь apparaît après les voyelles et le -ся après les consonnes. Par contre, les formes participes ont toujours la forme -ся. En outre, le marqueur léger est attaché à la racine après d’autres marqueurs morphologiques, comme la personne, le nombre ou le genre avec les formes participes. Du point de vue diachronique, la forme légère apparut comme un clitique et avait deux cas : l’accusatif et le datif. Avec les changements diachroniques, la distinction des cas fut perdue et un seul marquer fut créé. Du point de vue typologique, dans une langue qui utilise un système de deux marqueurs, le marqueur léger a tendance à être polysémique et à remplir plusieurs fonctions différentes en plus de la fonction réflexive, comme dans le cas du russe. Dans l’analyse suivante, nous allons essayer de montrer que les deux expressions de réflexivité les plus populaires – la synthétique et l’analytique – sont liées l’une à l’autre et qu’en réalité, elles représentent la même catégorie.