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PL
Social Innovation Academy (SINA) to organizacja, która od 2014 roku pobudza mieszkańców Ugandy do przedsiębiorczości. Daje młodym, wykluczonym społecznie ludziom szansę na stworzenie własnego miejsca pracy. W obliczu odpadowego problemu, z jakim mierzy się Afryka, SINA stawia na technologię upcyklingową. Promuje budowę domów z wykorzystaniem butelek PET i gliny, z której tradycyjnie stawia się afrykańskie domy.
EN
The principal aim of this paper is to critically examine evolution of the Ugandan political regime during the Yoweri Museveni rule and the very nature and socio-political consequences of the vast, inclusive patronage network existence. This paper is based primarily on field research conducted in Uganda in June and July 2014. The paper is divided into three parts. The first part briefly presents evolution of the Ugandan political regime. In the second part the very issue of the nature of the political patronage in Uganda was raised. The last section concludes.
EN
Gender based violence (GBV) refers to any form of sexual, physical, psychological, or economic harm or threat to harm another that is rooted in gender based inequalities and unequal power relations. GBV violates human rights, significantly hampers economic productivity and development, and threatens health and wellbeing of millions worldwide. The WHO notes that over 35% of women worldwide have experienced GBV, however, in Uganda it is up to 74%. While several efforts have been put in place to address GBV, the most popularly used approach in Uganda is women’s economic empowerment (WEE). This paper critiques the WEE approach for prevention of GBV in Uganda, arguing that WEE alone cannot prevent GBV. With evidence from empirical research conducted in eastern Uganda in 2017/2018, the paper argues for adoption of a multidimensional approach to addressing GBV.
EN
A review of a book by Tove Rosendal "Linguistic Landshapes. A comparison of the official and non-official language management in Rwanda and Uganda, focusing on the position of African languages".
PL
Spośród 7,7 mld światowej populacji 821 mln ludzi (10,9%) głoduje. Trwająca epidemia COVID-19 i spodziewany przyrost liczby ludności do ok. 9 mld w 2050 r. stwarza obawy nasilenia zjawiska głodu. W najnowszym raporcie (9.11.21 r.) po raz kolejny FAO podejmuje próby zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego milionom ludzi zamieszkujących głównie na południowej półkuli ziemskiej. Podejmowane są kolejne próby zwiększenia produkcji żywności, zwłaszcza w krajach najbardziej zagrożonych głodem. Do takich należą kraje Afryki Subsaharyjskiej, w których udział ludzi niedożywionych w populacji jest dwukrotnie większy niż średnia światowa. Omówiono założenia programu szybkiego wyprowadzenia z głodu Ugandy. Szczegółowo analizowano założenia i koszty zwiększenia produkcji podstawowych produktów żywnościowych.
EN
The problem of hunger has been affecting the people of many poor countries for many years. Of the 7.7 billion people in the world, 821 million people (10.9%) go hungry. The ongoing CO VID-19 epidemic and the expected population growth to around 9 billion by 2050 raise concerns about an escalation of this threat. In the latest report (9/11/21), FAO is once again trying to ensure food security for millions of people living mainly in the south of the globe. Further attempts are being made to increase food production, especially in the most vulnerable countries. These include the countries of sub-Saharan Africa where there are twice as many malnourished people as the world average. For example, the assumptions of the Ugandan’s recovery program were discussed. The assumptions and costs of increasing the production of basic food products were analysed in detail.
EN
In a potential armed and non-armed conflict, troops and special operations will be applied more widely than regular military formations. Experience shows that air strikes are extremely effective, particularly retaliation actions carried out using not substantial but very efficient and determined forces as for instance the Israeli assault landing on Entebbe airport, the attack on an Iraqi reactor in 1981, the attack on PLO Headquarters in Tunis in 1985. The July 1976 events showed the air force as a transport means for special troops. The air force, however, is a precise assault measure, striking into the enemy's sore points and also an element of combat actions which becomes a very vivid enforcement and deterrence means. Sophisticated air force equipment and well-trained crews allowed conducting very difficult and complex operations on objects located in a far distance. The events presented above proved that the air force is the basic means to wage special operations and holds the main position in such actions.
EN
Since the middle of the last century, non-formal education (NFE) has been promoted as a complement to or substitute for formal education. Today it has come to define myriad programs that sometimes bear little resemblance to one another. This paper argues for the legitimacy of NFE neither as a complement nor a substitute but as an alternative to formal education. From the findings of a pilot study into four programs in western Uganda, NFE is presented as a viable alternative to formal education for its ability to develop social capital, necessary for building self-reliance in learners.
Afryka
|
2018
|
nr 48
61-80
EN
The purpose of this article is to present the history of the Bunyoro and Toro Kingdoms in the light of research of the eminent Polish anthropologist, Jan Czekanowski. Czekanowski conducted field research in the kingdom of Toro in 1908, when both Bunyoro and Toro were part of the Uganda Protectorate. Bunyoro and Toro ceased to exist as political entities in 1966, after Uganda gained independence. They recovered their position in 1993 and today their kings try again to combine their old tradition with modernity and to define their place in the contemporary political, social, cultural and economic country life. Jan Czekanowski’s research, though not well-known outside of Poland, is a valuable contribution to the studies of their pre-colonial history.
EN
The purpose of this study is to analyse how tourists’ perceptions of a destination’s tourism product influences memorable tourism experiences and how gender differences influence tourists’ perceptions of tourism product. To achieve these objectives, Uganda, one of the developing economies in East Africa, was chosen. The five A’s of tourism product was used as a basis for the questionnaire construction and data was analysed. Explanatory research design within the framework of confirmatory factor analysis - a structural equation modelling technique was adopted using the AMOS 18 program. A sample of 501 respondents consisting of tourists departing Uganda through Entebbe International Airport was used. Results showed that both the measurement and structural models exhibited better model fit indices. Overall, tourists’ perceptions of the retained four dimensions of tourism product (Attractions, ancillary services, amenities and accommodation) had a positive effect on memorable travel experience. Additionally, the independent T-test for gender and tourists’ perceptions of Uganda’s tourism product showed that on average, females had a positive evaluation of Uganda tourism product compared to their male counterparts. However, the observed difference was not significant. It is recommended that destination management organisations pay attention to infrastructure, particularly transport that links potential and actual tourists to key tourism attractions. This is likely to enhance positive perceptions and was found to positively influence memorable travel experience. Other implications for destination branding are discussed.
EN
This paper is based on qualitative research undertaken in West Nile Uganda and Coastal Kenya as part of a broader development project. A wide range of stakeholders, including government officials, parents, and early childhood practitioners were involved in sharing their perspectives of what life is like for young children (birth to age 8) in their homes, communities, and institutions. Data gathered were then brought back to community members to solicit action plans. The author brings to the data her reflections and lived experience as a mzungu (white person) brought to the region under the guise of development work and the ethical issues that ensued. It was clear that minority world discourses and conceptions of what constitutes a good life for children had permeated the value systems and goals of many adults in this majority world context. However, when challenged to think deeply about the systemic issues affecting their children, participants began to see the importance of finding ways to meld indigenous values, beliefs, and practices with the globalization agenda.
12
Content available Misyjny charakter edukacji. Edukacja w Ugandzie
72%
EN
The aim of this paper was to analyze the process of education in Uganda and to show the missionary dimension of education. The education appeared to be a powerful influence in decreasing poverty and starvation, and preventing their recurence in the future. It constitutes a defence and support for people during and after the military conflicts and gives a chance for normal life for children who were soldiers. However, the most crucial purpose of education is to save the dignity of each particular human being and enable them to cope with the numerous problems on their own by their achieving the necessary knowledge and skills. Finally, the achieved knowledge and skills should give the individual person an opportunity to live fully, develop oneself, have a satisfying job and to be able to provide for oneself and one’s family  so as to life in dignity.
PL
Celem artykułu była analiza procesu edukacji w Ugandzie oraz uwydatnienie misyjnego wymiaru edukacji.  Ma ona wpływ na łagodzenie ubóstwa i głodu oraz przeciwdziałanie powstawania ich w przyszłości, w krajach biednych. Stanowi siłę i wsparcie dla ludzi podczas i po konflikcie zbrojnym oraz jest szansą na normalne życie dla byłych dzieci – żołnierzy. Największą misją edukacji jest obronienie godności ludzkiej każdego człowieka oraz przygotowanie go w jak najlepszy sposób do tego, by sam potrafił sprostać licznym problemom oraz zdobył potrzebną wiedzę i umiejętności do tego, by żyć jak najpełniej i najlepiej, by rozwijać się, spełniać się zawodowo, a także zapewnić godne życie sobie i swojej rodzinie.
13
Content available Politics of Muslim minority in Uganda and Burundi
71%
EN
There are Muslim minorities in Burundi and Uganda that are influenced by their Christian co-citizens rather than other Islamic states. They live their Islamic faith with the feeling of being marginalised by the rest of society. They have ambitions to play more active role in politics. While looking for their Islamic identity, they struggle with the negative perception of the origins of their faith linked to the Arab slave trade, with the feeling of alienation by Christian majority, the lack of education, and the weakness of their leadership. Muslim approach to the past tries to defend the achievements of Kiswahili culture and absolve the shameful parts of history, e.g. slavery or Idi Amin’s dictatorship. They show great creativity in commerce and are able to create a strong sense of community. Muslim presence in Burundi and Uganda can be seen through some geographical sites and monuments which symbolise political aspirations of the Muslims. Kibuli and Old Kampala, the hills of the Ugandan capital, with their imposing mosques testify to the vitality of Muslim community. Communities in Iganga and Mbale districts have built Islamic Umma and started the most important educational project – the Islamic University. Buyenzi, the suburb of the Burundian capital, and districts on the shores of Lake Tanganyika are places where economic aspirations of Burundian Muslims are realised. There is a twofold dynamic in the politics of Muslim communities. On the one hand, they strongly hold to the tradition based on Kiswahili language, culture and commerce; on the other hand, they try to advance on the political stage by searching for strong Muslim leaders. The Muslims of Uganda and Burundi tend to withdraw from public politics when they lack a charismatic leader. How can Muslim society remain the leading group in politics? To claim the place in the society there must be more emphasis put on education. Muslims seem to be aware of this need and have already taken some measures.
EN
Artisanal small-scale gold mining presents numerous opportunities for Uganda's rural poor. However, it also poses serious environmental, health and safety challenges. A suite of data collection methods including interviews, focus groups discussions, water and soils sampling were used to examine the perceptions of miners on the status, prevalence and extent of mercury use in artisanal gold mining, mercury transit routes and toxicity levels of soils and water in Karamoja sub-region. It also explores the health, safety and environmental implications of artisanal small-scale gold mining in the sub-region. The findings show that trade and access to mercury is widespread; although trade in, access to and its use is highly secretive. Traders access mercury through a number of ways including smuggling across the porous borderline and formal, but covert, importation. Miners then discreetly access it through undercover sales in jewellery shops and in affluent gated communities in Uganda's capital, Kampala. Soil and water samples showed mercury levels that exceeded the minimum acceptable limits of 0.03 mg/kg and 0.006 mg/l respectively. Further, artisanal small-scale gold mining is associated with massive land clearances and landscape deformations. It has invariably scarred the countryside with piles of waste and uncovered pits that are a source of accidents and ideal breeding grounds for vectors.
PL
Pandemia COVID-19 rozpoczęła się w okresie, gdy w Ugandzie miały się odbyć wybory prezydenckie i parlamentarne, co stanowiło wyzwanie dla bezpieczeństwa ludności. Partia rządząca (Narodowy Ruch Oporu) stanęła wobec sytuacji przekazania władzy przewodniczącemu parlamentu, gdyby wybory miały się nie odbyć. Aby złagodzić problemy związane ze zdrowiem publicznym i utrzymać władzę, rząd zgodził się na proces wyborczy bez kampanii publicznych. Zamiast tego miały zostać przeprowadzone kampanie w radiu, telewizji i mediach społecznościowych, w tak zwanych "wyborach naukowych". Jednak w kraju ogarniętym masową korupcją polityczną i biurokratyczną oraz z zakorzenionym reżimem, który stosuje przemoc wobec przeciwników, niewiele uwagi poświęcono sprawiedliwości tego procesu, zwłaszcza w kwestii dostępu opozycji do zasobów medialnych. I odwrotnie, ponieważ w wyborach chodzi o tłumy i popisy, Ugandyjska Komisja Wyborcza zmagała się z ciągle ewoluującym procesem kampanii wyborczej, zwłaszcza że na szlaku kampanii kandydatów politycznych pojawiły się spore spontaniczne tłumy. Opozycja potrzebuje dużego tłumu dla legitymizacji i pokazania popularności. Partia rządząca użyła przemocy wobec członków opozycji pod pretekstem egzekwowania standardowych procedur operacyjnych w celu zapobiegania COVID-19, ale jej kandydaci mogli gromadzić tłumy. Doprowadziło to do radykalizacji części opozycji, która wykorzystywała media do wzywania do przemocy i czystek etnicznych. Opisane w artykule badanie jakościowe sprawdza, w jakim stopniu proces "wyborów naukowych" został zaprojektowany w celu uzyskania sprawiedliwego wyniku wyborów w 2021 r. w Ugandzie. Badanie wykorzystuje teorię racjonalnego wyboru do zbadania kalkulacji różnych interesariuszy. Opiera się na danych wtórnych, zwłaszcza doniesieniach medialnych, ale także na danych pierwotnych z raportów, mediów społecznościowych i przemówień kluczowych postaci ze sceny politycznej Ugandy. Z badania wynika, że niezależna komisja wyborcza miała do czynienia z dwoma wysoce wyrafinowanymi przeciwnikami i nie miała możliwości ani sprawczości do egzekwowania reguł w grze politycznej. Ostatecznie okazało się, że kluczowe aspekty procesu "wyborów naukowych" były niesprawcze i nie przyniosły sprawiedliwego wyniku wyborów w 2021 r. w Ugandzie.
EN
COVID-19 broke out in the period that Uganda was due to have presidential and parliamentary elections, posing a very precarious human security challenge. The ruling party (National Resistance Movement; NRM) faced the challenge of passing power to the Speaker of parliament if elections were not to be held. To mitigate the public health challenges and maintain power, the government acquiesced to an election process without public campaigns. Instead, campaigns were to be held over the radio, TV, and social media in what came to be known as 'scientific elections.' However, in a country hamstrung by massive political and bureaucratic corruption and an entrenched regime that uses violence against opponents, little attention was paid to the fairness of the process, especially in terms of access to media resources by the opposition. Conversely, as elections are about crowds and showmanship, the Ugandan Electoral Commission struggled with the ever-evolving electoral campaign process, especially as large spontaneous crowds sprang up on the campaign trail of the political candidates. The opposition needs a large crowd for legitimacy and a show of popularity. To mitigate this, the ruling party used violence against opposition members as an excuse to enforce standard operating procedures (SOPs) for the prevention of COVID-19, yet its candidates were left to gather crowds. This radicalized some of the opposition that used media outlets to call for violence and ethnic cleansing. This qualitative study delves into the extent to which the 'scientific elections' process was designed to produce a fair outcome of the 2021 elections in Uganda. This study uses the rational choice theory to explore the calculations of different stakeholders. The study relies on secondary data, especially available in media outlets, but also primary data through reports and social media and speeches of key figures in the political landscape in Uganda. The study finds that the Independent Electoral Commission was caught between two highly sophisticated opponents and did not have the capacity and agency to enforce the rules in the political game. In the end, the key facets of the 'scientific elections' process were found wanting and did not produce a fair outcome of the 2021 elections in Uganda.
Nurt SVD
|
2022
|
nr 2
144-160
EN
In many African countries there is an alarming influx of minors on the streets, begging, stealing, and robbing. In big cities in Uganda such as Kampala, Mbale, Soroti and others, one cannot comfortably speak on a phone for fear of it being snatched by these young thieves. Some of these kids even open car doors and steal property when a car is trapped in the traffic jam. Years back, a majority of people used to feel pity for these children. However, since these children could receive a fortune from the streets several times more than a minimum day’s wage, some thugs then started using them to make money, and the poor children would only receive a token from their “bosses”, the so-called “owners of the streets”. Is there nothing the Church can do to help clear the cities off these children? What future do these children hold if they continue with this kind of life? This is a case study of Soroti, a fast-growing city in Eastern Uganda.
PL
W wielu krajach afrykańskich obserwuje się niepokojący napływ nieletnich na ulice, żebrzących i kradnących. W dużych miastach Ugandy, takich jak Kampala, Mbale, Soroti i innych, nie można swobodnie rozmawiać przez telefon w obawie, że zostanie on wyrwany przez młodych złodziei. Niektóre z tych dzieci otwierają nawet drzwi samochodów i kradną mienie, gdy samochód stoi w korku. Przed laty większość ludzi współczuła tym dzieciom. Ponieważ jednak mogły one zdobyć na ulicy pieniądze kilkakrotnie przewyższające minimalną dniówkę, niektórzy bandyci zaczęli wykorzystywać je do zarabiania pieniędzy, a dzieci otrzymywały tylko symboliczną część łupu od swoich „szefów”, tzw. właścicieli ulic. Czy Kościół nie może nic zrobić, aby pomóc w oczyszczeniu miast z tych dzieci? Jaką przyszłość mają te dzieci, jeśli nadal będą prowadzić takie życie? To jest studium przypadku Soroti, szybko rozwijającego się miasta we wschodniej Ugandzie.
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