The paper attempts to address the question of whether the prime ministerial system has already emerged as a separate system of governance that differs from classical systems, and whether it can no longer be treated as a certain sub-class in an extensive range of parliamentary systems, but rather as a new type of system in its own right. The principal issue appears to be whether the inherent properties of the prime ministerial variety of governance are sufficiently distinct, significant and different from the parliamentary system, however broadly understood, to give the former a status of a separate governance system from the methodological point of view. It should be observed that the contemporary British system, which serves as a foundation for our deliberations on the prime ministerial form of governance, has deviated from the classical or typical parliamentary system far enough to actually take the direction of a separate system of governance, namely prime ministerial governance. Firstly, this is evidenced by the removal of the monarch from the political system and establishing executive power as a virtually one-element entity concentrated in the Cabinet, and embodied by its leader. Secondly, the figure of Prime Minister is highly emphasized as he is elected ‘under the guise of common elections’ and he successfully monopolizes the work of his entire Cabinet, becoming a certain ‘trademark’ of this Cabinet, which is well supported by the principle of joint accountability of all Cabinet members, a principle that is exceptionally strictly and consistently implemented in the British system. The ongoing politological processes that tend to presidentialize and personalize politics are only accelerating these changes and making them even more apparent. The consequence in Britain is that it is the Prime Minister who accrues the power to govern and he by no means falls under the principle of classical parliamentary systems, where the government leader is only “the first among equals”. Thirdly, the House of Commons has practically lost its controlling power over the Cabinet, as primarily evidenced in the absence of a vote of no confidence, which would serve as a tool of political accountability of executive power before the legislative, the essence of any form of parliamentary governance. Fourthly, in a highly specific, deeply endemic party system which entails that various links between government and parliament typical of the parliamentary style of democracy are de facto transferred onto the internal party stage, this to an extent also explains the relevance of the division between government and opposition, a division which is neither as clear, nor as far-reaching as in the case of other parliamentary systems. All this allows us to conclude that the British system is sufficiently different to be deemed new in comparison to a typical or classical parliamentary system. The transformations that have taken place there have gone far beyond the proper, or classical, model of parliamentary governance thus forming not only a sub-class, but a separate type (or model) of governance.
O rozwoju rynku produktów regionalnych decydują ich cechy. Mieszkańcy regionu West Yorkshire oceniali te produkty pod względem zróżnicowanych takich cech, jak: smak, świeżość, wygląd, asortyment, cena, opakowanie, reklama.
EN
The article presents the results of studies conducted among 200 British consumers who examined the characteristics of regional products, from West Yorkshire in the UK. The opinion showed that the highest scores obtained freshness and flavour of these goods. The appearance and packing of these products were evaluated at a good level. Consumers turned their attention to relatively high prices offered to regional products. They critically commented on the advertising campaigns that affect the growth of demand.
Wyobraźmy sobie kraj, w którym cztery profesje: lekarze okuliści, optometryści, ortoptyści i optycy ściśle współpracują i świetnie się uzupełniają. Czy taki kraj istnieje? Tak. Na pewno jest nim Wielka Brytania. Wielka Brytania może pochwalić się wieloma sprawdzonymi i dobrze funkcjonującymi rozwiązaniami z zakresu ochrony wzroku, a także mocno rozwiniętą i uregulowaną prawnie optometrią.
W krajach rozwiniętych prowadzących gospodarkę rynkową zasadniczym problemem jest minimalizacja kosztów tej działalności. W latach 80. Rząd Wielkiej Brytanii podjął środki zastosowania mechanizmu przedsiębiorstw prywatnych do zarządzania i finansowania komunikacji miejskiej. Ten model prawno-ekonomiczny komunikacji pasażerskiej nazwano deregulacją. Jego wprowadzenie w Wielkiej Brytanii jest o tyle interesujące, że kraj ten już w drugiej połowie XIX w. rozpoczął wprowadzanie elementów socjalnych do polityki transportowej i udział uspołecznionych przedsiębiorstw w tym rodzaju transportu wynosił ok. 90% w latach 80. obecnego wieku.
EN
In the developed countries of market economy, the municipal transport is a socioeconomic activity, i.e. the passengers cover only a part of its current costs. An essential problem is to minimize the costs of this activity. In the 1980's the Government of Great Britain took steps in order to employ the mechanism of private enterprises to the management and finance of local transport, i.e. its privatisation, use of the competitive power for improving the profitability of its functionning, elimination of subsidies to a part of bus lines and limitation of subsidies granted to those lines which are ineffective but, for social reasons, cannot be liquidated. This legal-economic model of passenger traffic has been called a „disregulation". Its introduction in Great Britain is in so far interesting that some social elements were adopted to the transport policy in Great Britain already in the second half of the 19th century and the share of socialized enterprises in this kind of transport amounted to about 90 p.c. in the 1980's. It should be stressed that the role of the collective transport was strongly limited by the individual one (up to 15 p.c. in 1987). The article deals also with the legal-economic principles for the transport policy in the first period of its liberty (19th century), in the period of transport regulation (from the last quarter of the 19th century up to 1980) and finally, in the second period of transport liberty (from 1980 on). The influence of the political parties on the policy of transport in Great Britain has also been dealt with in the article.
The article refers to Cornish idea of ‘crawling devolution’ based on recognizing Cornish minority under Framework Convention of national minorities protection and gradual achieving political autonomy level corresponding with modern position of Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland in the UK political system. Author reveals façade character of formal arguments contain in the first and second DCLG reports for the Council of Europe General Secretary against implementing protodevolutionary ideas in Cornwall and presents real objections of present UK Government of realizing devolution reform (as a post-Labour heritage) in any part of England. The article presents Cornish people hopes and misgivings précised in local government, political parties (individual and common) and NGO’s selected documents and papers with authors comment in conclusion.
There is an increasing interest in protection of old native plant varieties and animal breeds which are a part of the historic heritage of a given country. Protection of old cultivars and breeds of farm animals is especially significant. Less attention has been paid to protection of old varieties of ornamental plants, although many, previously common species, are becoming increasingly rare. Some of them are already forgotten, some going out of fashion, and that is just why their existence is threatened. In the UK, National Council for Conservation of Plants and Gardens set up in 1978 has created a system of collections of old ornamental plant varieties and coordinated protection measures. Its activity has evoked responses in other countries.
PL
Wzrasta zainteresowanie ochroną starych lokalnych odmian roślin i ras zwierząt. Stanowią one dziedzictwo historyczne danego kraju. Szczególnie aktualna jest ochrona starych odmian roślin użytkowych i ras zwierząt gospodarskich. Mniej miejsca poświęca się ochronie starych odmian roślin ozdobnych, chociaż wiele znanych dawniej powszechnie gatunków i odmian jest coraz rzadszych. Niektóre ulegają zapomnieniu, inne wychodzą z mody, stąd ich dalsze istnienie jest zagrożone. Od 1978 r. w Wielkiej Brytanii działa Narodowa Rada na Rzecz Zachowania Roślin i Ogrodów (NCCPG), tworząca system zbiorów starych odmian roślin ozdobnych i koordynująca działalność z tym związaną. Jej akcja znajduje oddźwięk i w innych krajach.