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Content available Gunter Grass – pisarz prowokujący
The article presents the political profile of the German writer and Nobel prize winner, Günter Grass, and the singular nature of his involvement in German political life. Grass’s views, albeit internally inconsistent, had been comprehensible until the Unification of Germany, while his political activity strove do defend such values as liberty, democracy and moderation. After the unification, of which he had been an adversary, Grass began to speak in ever more controversial tones, and his views seem to clash more and more profoundly with what he had formerly advocated.    
The article tries to answer the question of the role of an intellectual in the current system. It takes as its basis the structural difference between intellectuals and non-intellectuals that puts the former into the position of domination. This difference can be overcome if everyone is considered an intellectual to a certain degree as Gramsci claims. An intellectual takes the role of an interpreter in his or her own society and rejects the vanguard position as well as the position of a professional who ordains what is right and then takes care of it. There is a role for an intellectual even if s/he is in danger of legitimizing the capitalist system by falling into the trap of the postmodern cultural logic of late capitalism. This is the activist task embraced by Foucault who seeks new politics of truth. But one should not forget that intellectual strives for less power thus enabling the subaltern Other to be heard.
In this study authoress investigates Slovak literary life with an emphasis on literary journalism in the second half of the 20th century, and especially in the period 1945 – 1948, when the basic direction of Slovak and Czech society in the revived post-war Czechoslovakia was decided, and not only on the cultural, but chiefly on the socio-political level. On the cultural-political level, the heirs of the Czech and Slovak avant-gardes clashed with the forces of the traditional liberal and conservative right in the fields of social and artistic activity. The introductory part of the study is a sort of sounding into the past of inter-war Modernism, which was carried on a wave of revolutionary feeling, stimulated by an idealized idea of the liberating power of the Russian revolution. The author sees this period not only as an artistic phenomenon, but also in terms of the inter-connection of culture and politics. Culture, the home territory and autonomous field of the intellectual and the artist, could easily be manipulated when drawn into the political sphere. It could easily be ideologized under the pretext that it had to serve a higher aim, such as revival of the nation or the chosen class, especially after 1948, when it became the dominant state forming group. Culture, both Czech and Slovak, had been long accustomed to a politicized function. The new individual and collective positions after 1945 further radicalized and petrified them.
According to Scheler spirit is an activity opposed to objective beings. The way in which spirit manifests itself is through a person, the absolute Divine person and the human person. The domain of the spirit in man is the sphere of intentional acts: intellectual acts, emotional acts of various kinds, volitive acts; it is distinct from the psychic and the vital. Spirit is therefore also contrary to life, the vital impulse. Spirit is a dynamic reality and comes to be through knowledge and love. It is not entirely clear what, according to Scheler, the reality and creativity of spirit consists of. The development of Scheler's thought can be described as an attempt to make more precise the characteristics of spirit, especially with reference to the vital impulse. Here Scheler moves from underlining the primacy of spirit and its active role to accenting the helplessness of spirit, which in its becoming needs an extra-spiritual factor, a vital impulse. This shift seems to be one of the motives for Scheler's move from a theist conception to a position in which God, man, and the world come into being together.
The essay presents the thesis that despite their activist tradition, Czech theatres abandoned any social criticism during the COVID-19 pandemic because they were unable to speak publicly about the structural conditions of the crisis (over-tourism, mobility, etc.) and possibilities for change. The author argues that it is because the language of theatre professionals is nowadays shallow and clichéd and serves rather as a strategy to secure the positions in the artistic field than the true speech capable of addressing the public. This situation is interpreted in terms of neoliberalism/capitalist realism (Mark Fisher) producing the pragmatic language incapable of imagination and transformation. The intellectuals’ speech of transcendentals (detached from the reality) is contrasted with true speech (Martin Buber, François Laruelle) originating in immanence. The artists are depicted as the keepers of personal, archetypal language capable of producing universal (“terrestrial” – Bruno Latour) images of utopia. This is discussed especially in the context of the environmental crisis.
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