These days, the Federal Republic of Germany is a continental power with ambitions to conduct foreign, security and defence policy in a global dimension. In the future, these policies will evolve towards a more open and dynamic demonstration of the country’s own national interests. Yet, it must gain support for its European partners from broad segments of German society, not only among the political and financial classes. Europe and the world will have to come to terms with a situation in which Germany will conduct more “German-oriented” policy, augmenting efforts to widen its influence in the regional and global dimensions.
Whereas much has been said about the reasons behind Poland’s path to the euro, it has been less common to consider the potential interest in eurozone enlargement among its current members, such as Germany. This article offers an overview of possible, mainly economic, rationales that might explain the engagement of incumbents in expanding the common currency area. Abandoning traditional cost-benefit analyses and adopting other frameworks, such as improved competitiveness, cooperation processes or group interactions (games) might be alternative methods to analyse such interests.
Is the German public eventually to wake up to “debating Europe”? What impact will the European campaign have on the new coalition government? How can the Social Democrats match their ambition of changing the majorities in the EU with their performance as part of a coalition at home? And how do the other German parties place themselves in the run for the 96 German seats in the European Parliament? This paper will show that, actual turnout and results of the European elections aside, the drive of the Lisbon Treaty has started to Europeanise political parties in the German national context.
In federal systems, the accumulation, division, distribution, and administration of public finances can be covered by a collective notion of fiscal federalism. These financial relations are particularly interesting not only because by enabling funding of public tasks they are in fact a pillar of the state, but also because they are a kind of litmus test for changing social, economic, and political conditions. What is more, they perfectly reflect the model of federalism adopted in a country. Based on this, the author conducts an analysis of the development of financial relations in Germany and of its causes. She shows the „maturing” process of the German federation and adjusting its federal financial system to the new needs and goals of the state. A starting point for reflections is the establishment of a confederation of German states — German Confederacy at the Congress of Vienna in 1815. This article examines the most formative stages of federal fiscal relations starting from the strong federalism of the Second Reich and large dependence of central authority through the financial centralization of the Weimar Republic and complete liquidation of the federation during the Third Reich and continuing to the model of cooperative fiscal federalism introduced after World War II until the reunification of Germany in 1990.
Germany is currently a very interesting example of co-existence of different cultures and nations. Among 82 millions of the country's inhabitants 8,5% does not admit to be of German nationality. Whatis interesting is that Germany regards only Frisians, Danes and Serbs as minorities. All other ethnic groups living in FGR do not have the status of national minority. Despite not having such status, there are many more or less official organizations gathering the representatives of each nationality. Some of them are of cultural, other of religious character, some of them are classified as groups and extremist organizations. Among the extremist organizations there are distinguished three groups: Islamic, left-hand extremist and nationalistic. It is characteristic, that mostly are those organizations branches of groups from other countries.
In recent years, Germany’s role within the European Union, especially the eurozone, has been depicted as dominant and even hegemonic. Its doses of austerity have been largely criticized. The article scrutinizes the European policy of the new grand coalition. While Germany plans to holds to its stances on reform and budgetary discipline in order to stabilize the euro, it has announced that it will play an enhanced role on the international and European stages. The first signs of increased engagement can indeed be observed in Germany’s contributions to resolve the ongoing Ukraine crisis. The EU, however, is facing additional challenges that call for a strong, pro-integrationist German role.
Several months ago the European Union and the United States started negotiations on the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The agreement would lead to an integrated economic area between the parties. The talks, however, have been more difficult than anticipated. Germany is increasingly critical of TTIP, even though theoretically it would be among the partnership’s biggest beneficiaries. The article attempts to explain the scepticism of Germany, focusing on economic arguments and in particular its specific approach to economic growth and competition mechanism.
The AfD’s performance in the European Parliament reflects its status as an absolute beginner. Not only is the party a newcomer on the European stage but it also has only been in existence for two years. The party has managed formal integration as a political group of its choosing, but it is not enough to become a fully-fledged member of the ECR. Internal quarrels concerning AfD’s ideological positions will foster its image as a controversial party. Such confrontations are nothing unique at the early stage of a new party, but if the competition between the wings escalates it will shatter the party’s federal reach, or even sink it completely.
Since the beginning of David Cameron’s rule in the United Kingdom (2010) Eurosceptic sentiments have intensified, leading to a split in society, a referendum and, finally, Brexit. Germany was for the UK remaining in the EU, but after the referendum Germany announced the EU would negotiate hard to have its conditions met. Germany decided that Brexit provided favorable prospects for enhancing cooperation among the remaining 27 states. The most difficult negotiating items concern financial settlements between London and Brussels (ca. EUR 60 billion), the status of EU citizens employed and residing in the territory of the UK, and the North Ireland-Irish Republic border. The negotiations of a new trade agreement between the EU and the UK are also difficult.
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30. rocznica zjednoczenia Niemiec pozwala z dystansu ocenić skutki polityczne, społeczne i międzynarodowe procesów, które zachodziły w tym czasie w RFN.
Remaining outside the euro area while the European Union undergoes deep changes is not optimal. Poland aspires to the elite club, but it is far from clear when this might happen. At the same time, there is a perceived risk of Poland’s marginalisation as the integration of the eurozone progresses. Poland sees Germany as a key factor in its efforts to secure inclusiveness and cohesion in the European project. In these circumstances, it is worthwhile to reflect on the German perspective on Poland’s adoption of the euro and its impact on bilateral relations.
During the Eurocrisis, Germany has provided and sustained policy leadership sequentially: first nationally, then together with France and finally in conjunction with the European Central Bank. While attempting to establish legitimate and effective crisis management institutions based on the principle of conditioned support, the Merkel government’s crisis response was driven by cross-cutting role expectations from domestic actors, i.e. the Federal Constitutional Court and the exposed German banks, as well as external role demands by Eurozone members, the ECB and international financial market actors.
In the past the basic issue at the core of the German question was that Germany had not been able to come to terms with its status quo. It wanted either a better place in the sun, more living space (Lebensraum, as it was called during the Nazi era), or merely national unity, justice, and freedom—in a peaceful way. For Germany to achieve any of those goals, Europe’s political framework would have had to be changed completely. But today, the opposite is true. Since the end of the last century, Germany has settled in so well into the status quo that its role in European and foreign politics has evolved. However, the euro crisis and the Russian crisis have undermined the foundations of this status quo and as a result have raised a new German question. The country that has shaped the status quo and has adjusted to it as no other has now faces the challenge of overcoming the status quo.
In the paper the author analyses the main issues related to the leadership of Germany in the EU in the 2010s. Among them are the financial crisis in the euro zone, the weakening of the Franco-German engine of European integration, the crisis in Ukraine and the prospects for Grexit and Brexit. He indicates that the Germans, although quite reluctantly, are taking advan- tage of an economic situation which is favourable for them and have taken the position of un- questionable leader in the European Union.
W 2002 r. Niemcy dołączyły do elitarnego grona krajów, w których kursują pociągi z prędkością 300 km/h. Budowa nowej linii dużych prędkości Frankfurt - Kolonia nie przebiegała jednak łatwo, mimo że na sieci DB już wcześniej wybudowano linie, po których kursowały pociągi z prędkością 250 km/h. Koszty rzeczywiste budowy nowej linii w stosunku do szacunkowych podwoiły się, jednak kierownictwo DB, planując kolejne linie dużych prędkości, jest zdania, że decyzja budowy była słuszna. Obsługę trakcyjną zapewniają pociągi nowej generacji serii ICE3, całkowicie zaprojektowane i wyprodukowane w Niemczech
Peasants from Hessia and Badenia appeared in the Polish Kingdom in the years 1835–1837. The reasons for their emigration were the difficult economic situation in their countries of origin (overpopulation of villages) and encouragement by the Polish Kingdom government and owners of landed estates, who were interested in creating new villages in their lands. As a result, several such settlements were set up (Srebrna, Bechcice, Łobudzice) in the estate of Mikołaj Krzywiec Okołowicz, on the border of Kalisz and Mazowsze voivodeships. The assistance offered by the squire helped the newcomers overcome the difficulties of the first years in the new place. In later years their villages distinguished themselves positively by economic stability. The immigrants from Hessia (Protestants) maintained their distinct character in the Polish (Catholic) environment, while the peasants from Badenia (Catholics) integrated with the Polish population.
The present study is motivated by the growing interest in cities as tourist destinations as well as the fact that German citizens are the largest group of foreign tourists visiting Poland. The purpose of the study is to identify characteristics of German tourists visiting Poznań, taking into account differences between generations. The study is based on survey data collected by the authors in the period 2014-2016 using the CAWI and PAPI method. The data include quantitative characteristics of tourist traffic and assessments of tourists’ satisfaction with their stay in Poznań. A total of 505 respondents were surveyed. The results of the study show that within different age groups, despite some similarities, there are significant differences in the way tourist travel is organized. Most German tourists expressed a high level of satisfaction with their stay in Poznań, but their willingness to recommend the city as a tourist destination or to revisit it clearly varied depending on the age group.
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The opinion provides an analysis of the compatibility of the Act on the Minimum Wage (MiLoG), based on which the obligation to pay minimum wage applies to all employees, irrespective of the Member State in which the registered office of the employer is located, with the provisions of primary and secondary law of the European Union in terms of internal market freedoms and, in particular, the provision of services and posting of workers. Referring to the European legislation, the author points out two main issues: the Act on the Minimum Wage seems to be in conformity with EU law in so far as it concerns posted workers. Based on the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union in similar cases, she expresses an opinion that these provisions may be inconsistent with the regulations on the free movement of services in relation those who are not covered by the EU definition of a posted worker.
In 2011 in Egypt and in 2014 in Ukraine, ultras became a fundamental part of the protestthat lead to the change of the government. In Germany, protest of the ultras also becamea public topic at the end of 2012. They rebel against and act called Secure Stadium Experience.We are looking for the reason of their protest. As football is highly related to identity,we stress the theoretical concepts of a struggle for recognition. We would like to show howthey express their protest and how prominent the reasons for their struggle are. Thereforewe analyze three different spheres: official statements, actions, choreographies, and bannersthey show, and finally, how they see themselves.
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