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1
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EN
Great Britain, famous for her balance of power policy during the nineteenth century, got involved in the Great War because the growth of German power challenged this European balance of power. The German aggression on Belgium demanded concrete counter-action on the part of London, where the Napoleonic times were still remembered. Great Britain fought mainly against Germany for four years and won the war. Nevertheless, the First World War had no winner. Although Britain achieving her basic political, colonial, military and economic postulates the losses were overwhelming and the whole British power was seriously weakened. Without any doubts this influenced the government’s internal and foreign policy in the interwar period. It was felt in the British capital that participation in any subsequent conflict on such a huge scale would result in the destruction of the United Kingdom’s power, a prediction which came true after the Second World War.
EN
The system of teacher education management, namely, forms and principles of teacher education management according to the normative base (Education Reform Act (1988); Education Act (1992; 1993; 1996; 1997; 2002); School Standards and Framework Act (1998); Higher Education Act (2004), etc.), monitoring and participation of the public in its management have been analyzed. It has been proved that lately the democratization process in British education management has been combined with the increased attention of the state to monitoring, requirements to appropriate activity of educational establishments and trends seem to be forward education quality enhancing, democratization of evaluation, monitoring and information providing processes. Changes in education management in the historical context have been considered. The organizations participating in education management in Great Britain have been outlined. The data has been presented that enabled to distinguish similarities and differences in the functioning of the organizations participating in education management in Great Britain and ensure the existing of independent management authorities within them.
EN
The study gives a comparative analysis of Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC), which were chosen as unique examples of success and failure of national sections of Communist international among interwar Europe. The aim of the submitted research is to explain the paradoxical success of CPC sharply contrasted with the marginalization of CPGB. Historical fact that communists ideas were much less popular in Great Britain, a country with the highly developed capitalist system, than in a young Czechoslovak republic, completely turns over the expectations based on the classical texts of Marxist philosophers. The comparison of the organizational evolution of CPGB and CPC, their integration to the national political systems and possibilities of delegitimizations of symbolic pillars of British and Czechoslovak society can stress the causes of stability or instability of societies, in which these branches of communist movement worked. The inquiry that analyzes side by side the impact of two-party and multi-party political system, the role of social implication of open world of empire and small linguistic closed nation, a monarchy and president office as symbols of political and social stability can explore a new perspective on the research of the broad topic of interwar communist movement. Chosen type of individualizing comparison analysis put differences above consistent features in the attempt to highlight causes of openness of Czechoslovak society to the radical left ideology of Marxism-Leninism in the examined era.
EN
The outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War few years after the attainment of independence from Britain further deepened the interest of the latter in Nigeria’s existence as a nation. Scholars of disciplines such as history, political science and international relations through their works, have examined the nature and dimensions of Nigeria’s relations with Britain as well as the British involvement in the Nigerian Civil War. Foreign policy formulation, colonial legacies, economic ties, are typical examples of the nature of Nigeria’s relations with Britain. Similarly, scholars have interrogated the roles of Britain in the Nigerian Civil War through multilateral efforts at the United Nations and Commonwealth of Nations, propaganda, protection of the British economic interests in Nigeria, British military initiative as well as the pressure of the Cold War as the basis for prompt British intervention in the war. However, comprehensive intellectual attention has not been paid to the British peace initiative outside the multilateral conflict resolution structure. It is against this backdrop that this paper interrogates the nature and dimension of British peace initiative strategy which brought an end to the Nigerian Civil War. The paper argues in its conclusion that the failure of the multilateral approach of the British was salvaged by the unilateral British bureaucratic strategy that was enhanced by their colonial legacies in Nigeria.
5
Content available remote Wielka Brytania wobec integracji europejskiej w latach 1945-1950
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EN
During the Second World War Winston Churchill called for a close cooperation among countries in postwar Europe with the purpose of uniting them under the leadership of Great Britain. After the war, on account of its prestige and international status, Great Britain seemed to be a natural leader of Western Europe. In 1945 the Conservative Party was replaced in power by the Labour Party but the latter’s attitude toward European integration and the place of Europe in Great Britain’s politics did not differ in essentials from that of the Conservatives, although it should be noted that the traditional reasons of reluctance in tightening cooperation with continental Europe were supplemented by the Labourites with new ones, in line with the party’s the anti-capitalist socio-economic program. In the years 1945-1950 the British government, contrary to the expectations of Western European countries had no intention of leading the process of European integration or even participating in it. However, it was ready to support such activities similarly to Britain’s stance in the interwar period. Churchill, who was then in opposition, championed European integration albeit on the French-German basis, without the participation of Great Britain. When he came back to power in 1951 he continued his predecessors’ policy of splendid isolation in relations with Europe. Therefore, one may speak of a continuity of British policy toward European integration from the interwar period to the early 1960s when the British government expressed its will to join the EEC. This policy had far reaching consequences both for Great Britain and Europe which can be experienced even today.
EN
The article examines the historical origins and characteristics of Great Britain’s European policy from the Middle Ages to the II World War in the context of general trends of development international relations in Europe. Special attention is paid to the analysis of theoretical concepts of leading European political integration. Views of the European (continental) and English (British) thinkers and politicians on the problem of European political unity are presented. According the author’s conclusions we may confirm about the specific British model of European integration and participation the country in processes of regional political association. The imperial strategy of “splendid isolation” in XVIIIth – XIXth centuries was embodied in the main principle of the Britain’s European policy and formulated in 1930 by Winston Churchill: “We are with Europe but don’t belong to it.” At the same time, the political thought of UK was developed in line with European trends. William Penn, John Bellers, Jeremy Bentham, James Lorimer put forward their own vision of European political unity. During the II World War the idea of European integration has gained popularity. The originality of British culture, great practical historical experience of European policy, supported by theoretical projects of European political unity formed the necessary basis for the start process of practical implementation idea of European political integration during the second half of the ХХth century.
EN
The authors of the opinion comprehensively discuss the agreement concluded by the European Union, European Atomic Energy Community and the United Kingdom on the terms of trade and cooperation after Brexit and the agreement concluded between the European Union and the United Kingdom concerning security procedures for exchanging and protecting classified information. They present the provisions of individual parts of the agreements, regulating the issues of trade, fisheries, coordination of social systems, customs, visas, law enforcement cooperation and cybersecurity. They assess the impact of the implementation of the agreements. The authors positively assess the wide range of regulations. In their opinion they will reduce the negative effects of Brexit. However they identify some of their shortcomings that need to be removed.
EN
The paper presents the evolution of the British model of immigrant integration after World War II. It is a historical and political analysis. The author indicates the key elements of the British approach to decolonisation which were translated into concrete legal acts regulating the lives of the Commonwealth residents and immigrants arriving in the UK. The paper also discusses different dimensions of the integration of immigrants into British society. The analysis indicates that the multicultural model of immigrant integration adopted after World War II has been found to be dysfunctional, as British society has reached a state of super-diversity, becoming a very complex mosaic of races, religions and nationalities.
EN
The purpose of this article is to present the social activity of the Polish diaspora in Great Britain in the second half of the 20th century where after the end of World War II, thousands of Poles had settled. For many of them social and charity work became a mission. The article presents most of the organizations established just after the end of the warfare and widely discusses charitable foundations that have been in operation since the 1980s, offering their help to those who fell victims of the political and economic system in Poland and beyond its eastern border. Material and moral help provided by Polish emigration in the United Kingdom was much needed by Poles in Poland and by Poles still living in the countries of the former Soviet Union.
11
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PL
The Polish-Soviet War (1919–20) is one of the key events in the process of implementation of the Versailles order in Eastern Europe. Having saved the Versailles deal, the war gave the nations of Central and Eastern Europe an extremely valuable opportunity, for twenty years, to decide about themselves and build their own nation states on the remnants of three empires, which disintegrated in the aftermath of the geopolitical revolution brought by the Great War (1914–18). From the very beginning, the West did not understand the geopolitical significance of the Polish-Soviet War, seen as a local conflict of two countries, triggered by ‘Polish imperialism’.
EN
The provisions of the bill will be applied only, if the United Kingdom leaves the European Union on the basis of the agreement referred to in Article 50(2) TEU. Until the day of completion of the author’s opinion, internal procedures concerning the approval of the Agreement have not been completed in the United Kingdom. At present, it is not yet clear, whether the United Kingdom would leave the EU on the basis of an agreement as referred to in Article 50(2) TEU or without such agreement.
EN
The basic special principles of dults students education are distinguished, which recommend British andragogists. The models of adults students education are analysed in Great Britain, that are properties, structure of adults students education. Characterized model which are used for application of various methods of adults students education. Presented different classifications of methods of adults education. Methods which are most used in practice in the system of additional adults education in Great Britain are considered.
EN
The article demonstrates the constant presence of higher education as a topic in the col umns of Polish newspapers published in the UK: „Dziennik Polski” („Polish Daily”) - and „Dziennik Polski i Dziennik Żołnierza” („Polish Daily and Soldier’s Daily”) in the years 1940–1945. £eir editors agitated for the acquisition of a university education by Poles in exile so that they might better serve the rebuilding of Poland a¦er the war. They reported on academic, organisational and publishing events. They presented the academic accomplishments of Poles, as well as graduations of students and PhDs. They distributed information about scholarships. £e newspapers fullled an informational, propagandist and integrational role.
EN
During the Second World War, London hosted several Allied governments-in-exile. An unprecedented phenomenon in diplomatic history, the explosion of exile politics affected the position and agency of the Czechoslovak authorities. The aim of this study is to present basic, often status-related operational parameters of one of their lesser partners, the Royal Norwegian Government, which also strived to contribute to a sustainable balance in the mutual relationships of the “Grand Coalition” great powers.
PL
Wyjazdy Polaków do Wielkiej Brytanii spowodowały wzrost zainteresowania różnymi aspektami życia na Wyspach, a także skłoniły do porównywania ich z sytuacją w kraju. Odnosi się to także do tak „przyziemnych” spraw jak odpady, tym bardziej że setki tysięcy rodaków mają znaczący udział w ich wytwarzaniu.
EN
The study uses unpublished sources from the National Archives in London and scientific literature to analyse the British Legation in Prague’s perception of Czech-German relations in Czechoslovakia up to 1933. After some initial fumbling caused by a lack of knowledge of the Central European region following the collapse of Austria-Hungary, responsible officials in London decided to wait for the outcome of the peace conference in Paris. At the same time, British diplomats acknowledged that they would have to rely on co-operation with France in the region, and as a result indirectly supported French claims and demands; once the peace conference had ended, however, Great Britain focused on its own issues and the affairs of its empire. At the start of the 1920s, the British diplomatic mission in Prague also settled in its position and the first Minister, George Clerk, provided unbiased information on Czech-German coexistence within Czechoslovakia, and partially acknowledged that both sides were right (he understood some of the Germans’ objections), but on the other hand he clearly recognised the new state and perceived its minorities policy as very accommodating, and respect ing international obligations. Following the calm period of the 1920s when even the British Legation in Prague remarked on the qualitative shift in relations between both ethnicities, the beginning of the 1930s arrived alongside the economic crisis, which transformed the domestic political situation within the First Czechoslovak Republic. According to British Minister, Joseph Addison, the position of the largest minority in the country had deteriorated, something he thought was due to the fact that Czechoslovak officials were breaching the Minority Treaty and were not doing enough for the wellbeing of its German population, and that this did not bode well for the future.
EN
The aim of the article is to present and introduce the problem of loneliness among Polish women living in Great Britain. The level of modern globalisation affects the paceof their lives, preferred acculturation strategies, and the quality and frequency of interpersonal contacts they create with the Polish diaspora community, as well as with the English culture. In confrontation with the new reality, they oen experience a lack of understanding and rejection, which can lead to an increased sense of loneliness. In order to counteract this phenomenon, these women should be equipped with the ability to cope with situations of adaptation to living conditions on emigration.
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2011
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nr 1(13)
37-48
EN
The article analyses the policy of Conservative and Labour Parties concluded towards local government between 1979–2010. The authoress focuses on reforms and changes introduced to local administration by conservative cabinets of Thatcher and Major and Labour one of Blair and Brown. The conclusion forms an attempt to present fi ndings from British experiences in local reforms.
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