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EN
An attempt at an examination of the social and intellectual roots of the Polish version of integral nationalism, the national democracy, treated as a form of rightist radicalism. The initial premise is the recognition that although Polish nationalism emerged as one of the experiences of the independence-oriented generation of the 1890s it was also part of a wider European phenomenon from the turn of the century. The popularity of modern nationalism is analysed against the backdrop of a crisis of earlier political forms, predominantly the insurrection tradition together with its culmination - the socalled Kilinski current (kilinszczyzna), with due attention paid to the conditions predominating in particular partition areas. The case of Galicia is subjected to a detailed analysis. The article grants pride of place to Roman Dmowski, the founder and main ideologue of the national democracy, analysed via his activity in the nationalist movement and his publicistics, including the chief manifesto 'Mysli nowoczesnego Polaka' (The Thoughts of a Modern Pole). The example of Dmowski's writings illustrates both the transference of ideas from the West (i.a. racist theories, idealistic motifs in culture) and an attempt at a holistic revision of Enlightenment traditions carried out by modern nationalism. Such an interpretation places emphasis on the crucial role played by racist anti-Semitism.'Mysli nowoczesnego Polaka' is presented as a response to the challenges of modernisation faced during the titular period, and conceived as a complex vision of the regeneration of the Poles.
EN
Japanese cinema from its very beginning was involved with the nationalist discourse. Film was used by the Japanese government to present and upkeep traditional values, that were to limit foreign influences from spreading immorality and vice. These tendencies grew in the interwar period characterized by expansionist politics, growing nationalism and militarism. A new type of national cinema (kokumin eiga), was needed. Its purpose was to show the Japanese spirit, uncontaminated by western influences, not only at the level of contents and style, but also in the production methods. This type of cinema was to be represented by historical films (jidai-geki), celebrating the glorious past, and praising patriarchal social structure and feudalism, as well as representing the aesthetic ideal. Also war films and documentaries were to conform to the ideological guidelines dictated by those in power. The author lists various examples of Japanese films representing nationalist tendencies, and places them both within historical and theoretical setting..
EN
In all critical moments of man’s social life, the rational forces that resist the rise of old mythical ideas are no longer sure of themselves. In these moments all mythical conceptions reappear and become a prominent feature in the sphere of political action. Political myth, a fantasy of a better world, cannot be simply discarded as infantile daydreaming. Although some myths are vindictive, and potentially disastrous, others are favorable to dialogue and a commitment to a free community of equal individuals. It is always a matter of interpretation and the same myth can be used for expansion or limitation of one’s freedoms and responsibilities. The present thesis has been prepared to present national mythologies – conceptions that had dominated collective imagination of the Eastern European societies. The first part is devoted to present several selected theoretical concepts which characterize the essence of modern myth and describe direct relation between myth and policy. They are: G. Sorel’s concept of political myth, E. Cassirer’s philosophical concept of political myth, and the concept of political myth put forward by V. Tismaneanu. In the second part of my study I have focused on a few different definitions and typologies of nationalism, which I consider the most interesting and most significant of all. In these part I have also attempted to present and analyze phenomena which I have deemed the most essential for the arisen of mythologization of the political life. The final part of the work is devoted to present and explain the phenomenon of the mythologization of the political life in Eastern European countries. A very important component of this analysis is presentation how extreme nationalistic and authoritarian thought has been influential in Eastern Europe for much of this century, while liberalism has only shallow historical roots. Despite democratic successes in Czech Republic and Poland it would be a mistake for the West to assume that liberalism will always triumph. Nationalist intellectuals have encouraged ethnic hatred in such countries as Russia, Romania, and the former Yugoslavia by reviving patriotic myths of heroes, scapegoats, and historical injustices. Often focused on the past, the new mythologies are actually discourses about the present and especially the future of post-Communist societies. The main aim of these thesis was to introduce how the mythology of the nation explaining brutal reality had created particular intellectual rigours, moral standards and archetypal personalities which had efficiently steered collective imagination in the last decades and shows how enthusiastically these myths have been welcomed by people desperate for some form of salvation from political and economic uncertainty.
EN
During the first half of the 19th century the existing social structures were incessantly disintegrating and at the same time new structures were appearing. This process is in Czech historiography commonly known as the 'National Revival'. Historians have viewed this historical period from different viewpoints that were strongly influenced by the contemporary methodological and even ideological positions. The National Revival was a very complex and structured process that was due, in addition to the objective historical trends, also to heterogeneous social components of the changing Czech society (townsmen, petty bourgeoisie and rural population, wage laborers, craftsmen, farmers, businessmen, clerks, artists, intelligentsia, priests, emerging industrial and financial bourgeoisie, etc.) Each social element made a specific contribution to the National Revival process, which must be studied in its entirety.
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Content available remote WHOSE STATE AND WHOSE NATIONALISM? IDENTITY DILEMMAS IN MOLDAVIA
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EN
The author focuses on the issue of Moldavian national identity. Tracing historical and linguistic roots of the arguments used in the debate on Moldavian consciousness, he presents identity strategies in Moldavia. The main argument here is that the complicated history of Bessarabia (today's Moldova) has resulted in contemporary identification dilemmas. One of the key questions is whether we should call it Moldavian or Romanian. About 80% of the titular nation call themselves and their language Moldavian. On the contrary, approximately 5% (mostly intelligentsia) believe that they are Romanians, who were de-nationalized and transformed into Moldavians by the Soviet state. It is undisputable, that present Moldavian identity is the result of soviet national policy. Its stability, however, is a quite unusual phenomenon. If we accept the existence of independent Republic of Moldova, we must grant its population the right to be named Moldavian, even if there are no rational reasons to distinguish them from Romanians. Today most people want to be called Moldavians while nationalist movement is considered to be Romanian. We could describe this case as Moldavian state with Romanian nationalism.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2023
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tom 55
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nr 2
220 – 243
EN
The article examines the role occupied by nostalgia as a group-based emotion in shaping the ‘micro-politics’ of the radical right parties. The paper argues that the high ideological eclecticism of RRP is primarily due to the strategies deployed in the weaponization of the past. As a discursive strategy, nostalgia substantially conditions party appeals well beyond the symbolic and mythological references, contaminating broader policy-oriented assertions. The study is focused on two paired examples of ultranationalist parliamentary parties: the Greater Romanian Party and the Alliance for the Union of Romanians. Content analysis of primary and secondary sources emphasizes that despite a 30-year time gap, the two Romanian RRP showcase remarkably high levels of programmatic and discourse overlap due to nostalgia-based strategies of boosting nationalist crucial identities.
EN
Mythology with its various possibilities of the interpretation is a suitable device for the influencing national feelings and that is why it is often used in the period of a national identity building. This paper analyses the interpretation of mythology in the poetry of two founders of Turkish nationalistic literature and the contributors to the new Turkish identity Ziya Gökalp and Mehmet Emin Yurdakul.
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Content available remote Wincentego Lutosławskiego koncepcja narodu i państwa
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Filo-Sofija
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2007
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tom 7
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nr 7
131-139
EN
Author, of this short article tries to prove, against some contemporary researchers, that W. Lutosławski (who was at the beginning of the XXth century an internationally acknowledged researcher of Plato’s thought) in his conception of philosophy of history represents an nationalistic and anti-Semitic point of view. This concerns not as much his reflections about teleology of history, as his conception nation and races.
EN
This paper is an attempt to reconstruct the form of existence of linguistic nationalism in Hungary in the period of the Dual Monarchy, to trace the main ingredients of that linguistic ideology. The author's aim is not to explore and contrast the various prominent and less prominent individual views of the period but rather to reconstruct a general, collective system of ideas and values that underlies their apparent multiplicity and that is more or less constant throughout the period at hand. As a result of that reconstruction, partial and non-definitive as it might be, a rather abstract and complex system of views emerges; but one has to observe that the abstract system of views at issue had important practical consequences with respect to the everyday linguistic behaviour of the communities carrying it and especially those forced to be confronted with it. Quite a few specific forms of linguistic behaviour of the period (such as the practice of language cultivation, the language shift of linguistic minorities of Hungary, changes in the use and functions of languages and language varieties spoken in Hungary, changes in the system of those languages and varieties, etc.) can eventually be explained in the light of that linguistic ideology.
EN
The article analyses how the representation of the traumatic past in a museum may affect the shaping of national identity. In the first part, which refers to several theoretical traditions (psychoanalysis, narrativism, critical theory), the author discusses the relations between the representation of the past and the interpretation of the collective trauma offered to the spectator. In the second part these phenomena are analysed on the basis of three museums: Yad Vashem in Jerusalem, Terror Háza in Budapest and the Museum of the Warsaw Uprising.
EN
The article is a survey of some of numerous paradoxes connected with the history of the notion 'nation.' In its contemporary meaning, this notion transferred, in a relatively short time, from a vague idea known to some eccentric thinkers into an indispensable component of the identity of each and every inhabitant of our continent. In a relatively short period the people inhabiting Europe were first classified according to many flexible criteria (such as residence, belonging to particular social strata, confessed religion, respected authority, language spoken, etc.), and later divided into multimillion national communities, apparently existing from time immemorial and separated by eternal barriers of contradictory national interests. Attempts to cross these barriers made by a human being - i.e., transferring from one community to another - are now treated as a rejection and betrayal of one's own identity. The article tries to present how such a violent change could have happened, to what extent national ideology was a by-product of economic and social processes initiated in Europe as early as the Middle Ages, and to what degree this ideology was a stimulus for these processes, and, last but not least, to what extent this ideology contributed to the creation of the contemporary shape of the world, in which western civilization managed to win primacy and maintain it till the present day, and, moreover, impose its standards on other cultures - among them the dogma about a necessary division into rival nations, which is apparently an effect of human nature itself.
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Content available remote KRAJNĚPRAVICOVÉ POLITICKÉ STRANY V ZEMÍCH V4: HISTORIE A SOUČASNOST
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Sociológia (Sociology)
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2013
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tom 45
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nr 4
385 – 410
EN
This study aims to present the historical patterns for the contemporary extreme right and describe the current right-wing political parties in selected countries of Central Europe. For the purpose of this description states of the Visegrad Group (V4 hereafter), i.e. the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary were selected. At the beginning, some basic terms will be defined, then the historical patterns for the current extreme right will be described and finally a description of particular political parties, interest groups and unregistered organizations, which can be assigned to the extreme right in the above described countries, will be provided. Of these structures the most important are political parties because they - among other functions – recruit political staff. The analysis focuses primarily on parliamentary and non-parliamentary political parties and movements. Obvious there are also some limitations of this text, which arise from the fact that the topic is quite extensive and the particular formations described here show a substantial dynamics. The text discusses especially political parties, which regularly take part in elections to national parliaments. The main aim of this study is to analyse influences of historical patterns of far-right in the countries of V4 and determine specific topics for contemporary far-right.
13
Content available remote SLOVENIAN NATIONALISM
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EN
The article presents the rise of Slovenian nationalism as an ideology founded and spread by the Slovenian national movement. As an opening remark the authoress stresses that nationalism is a modern phenomenon. She also introduces the division between ethnic nation (Kulturnation, narod) and political nation (Staatsnation, nacjia). The Slovenes first defined themselves as an ethnic nation but having gained their own nation-state in 1991, nowadays, they are free to redefine their nation in civic terms. The dynamics of Slovenian nation-building unfolded in agreement with the Czech historian Miroslav Hroch's scheme. It shows that ethnic nation states start as an idea of a handful of intellectuals, before the national message is taken up and spreads among the members of the postulated nation. Then the nation has commenced its existence indeed. Although the term 'Slovenia' is known since the 16th century, intellectuals have used it consistently for denoting the Slovenian nation only after 1848. Still the Carniolan identity persisted. The 1840 national program demanded the administrative unification of the lands inhabited by Slovenes, Slovenian as a medium of education, and it opposed the construction of a German nation-state that would include the Austrian Empire along with Slovenia. Like the Czechs of Bohemia, the Slovenes did not crave for independence but Vienna's protection. In the second half of the 19th century the mass Slovenian national movement grew frustrated by the progress of German nationalism and the continuing division of the Slovenian lands between Austria, Hungary, and Italy. Only during World War I the idea of independence gained popularity but was not actualized due to the inclusion of the Slovenes in Yugoslavia. It appeared a backward and heavily centralized state that thwarted the national goals of the Slovenes despite the administrative unification of almost all their lands. Another World War split Slovenia among Germany, Hungary and Italy so communist Yugoslavia appeared the only way to ensure national survival. Federalization of this state with a national republic for the Slovenes too, did not ensure economic stability. This bred discontent in Slovenia - Yugoslavia's richest region - and spawned systemic-cum-nationalist opposition during the 1960s and 1970s. After Tito's death (1980), in the next decade Slovenian politicians and intellectuals openly advocated independence. The establishment of the independent Slovenian nation-state finally fulfilled the program of Slovenian nationalism as well as commenced the breakup of Yugoslavia.
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Content available remote THE ARCHIPELAGO OF THE BASQUE NATIONALISM
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EN
The first part of the article examines the problem of Basque nationalism, focusing on the roots and complex nature of this national movement in northern Spain. The political situation in the Basque country is the subject of a very emotional debate in some Polish newspapers. Yet the true nature of the question of Basque nationalism, which is often simplified by journalists, remains unclear for Polish readers. From a historical approach, the authoress aims to deconstruct such a truly false picture of the Basque national movement in Spain. From various points of view, she shows that the movement's goals are by no means limited to an organization seeking to propagate or openly use violent methods of fighting the Spanish government. The article shows that Basque nationalism may be viewed as a type of social conflict embracing particular ethnic elements which are of prime significance.
EN
The article focuses on everyday nationalism and its multifacetted connections to symbolic violence exercised by natives in relationship to migrants in eight European countries. The analysis draws on focus group interviews conducted with migrants in England, France, Germany, Austria, Italy, Poland, Cyprus, Sweden - within a comparative project sponsored by the EU between 2002 and 2006, and bearing the title: 'The European Dilemma: Institutional Patterns and Politics of Racial Discrimination'.
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Content available remote AUSTRIAN AMBIGUITIES REVISITED
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EN
The entrance of Jörg Haider's populist FPÖ to the governing coalition at the beginning of 2000, triggered off the Europe-wide ostracism of Austria. These events shook the four pillars on which the Austrian national identity has rested since 1945, namely: the negative assessment of the 'Anschluss', neutrality, social partnership and ethnic homogeneity. When these identification points of reference started vanishing, it turned out that many of Austrian national myths are similarly ambiguous as, for instance, that one on 'small Austria' always harmed by its bullying neighbors. In this manner there was erased the memory of the eager participation of the Austrians in the Great German nation-state of the Third Reich, as well as of the division of their state between the Soviet Union and the Western Allies that lasted from 1945 to 1955. On top of that Austria's 1995 accession into the European Union has not become part of the Austrian popular mind yet. Is it not then a 'country without qualities'? A country where despite the official Anti-Fascism the FPÖ was allowed into the governing coalition just for the sake of perpetuating the hold on power, which the governing elites had enjoyed for the last 30 years? If so Haider's unprecedented entrance into the mainstream of Austria's politics speaks volumes on the weaknesses of Austrian democracy. Therefore it is high time to commence honest discussion on Austrian national myths so that to reconstruct the ideological foundations of this democracy. However, it is not only a problem of 'small Austria' but also of established democracies of Western Europe, where previously marginal populist parties with neo-Fascist, anti-immigration, xenophobic and ethnonationalist programs are increasingly allowed into the mainstream of politics.
17
Content available remote RELIGION AND SLOVAK NATIONAL IDENTITY (Religia a slowacka tozsamosc narodowa)
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EN
The article seeks to answer the question of the role and significance of religion in constructing contemporary Slovak national identity. In his attempted answer, the author describes the relations between religion and the nation, and religion and nationalism in Central-Eastern Europe. He then reflects on the issue of the place of Christianity within the public sphere as an object of political debate in Slovakia after 1989. The answer to the problem is sought by analyzing both the public discourse in Slovakia after 1989 and by referring to the symbolic sphere (the symbolism of currency, national feasts and public places).
EN
The term 'anti-globalisation' is quite imprecise and ambiguous. Therefore it is necessary to make it more precise, but what is even more important is its new critical interpretation. The anti-globalist trend is currently represented not only by those who openly oppose globalisation and postulate 'return' to nationalist thinking, but also by those who call themselves alter-globalists and offer us an alternative vision of globalisation. The author discusses the issue of alter-globalisation in a broad cultural context, also as an anthropological attempt at analysis of a social movement which is now termed 'alter-globalist movement', or a 'movement of movements'. It also appears in groups which are not directly connected with anti-globalisation, being part of political, philosophical, or ecological discourses. The article is predominantly based on conclusions and reflections from the author's own field research which he has conducted among the contestants of globalisation.
19
Content available remote K zápasu o J. G. Herdera u nás
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EN
In the Bohemian Lands, Johann Gottlieb Herder was first mentioned in the 'Prager gelehrte Nachrichten' in the 1770s. Pelc and Woigt, wrote there about Herder's conception of language as an expression of the national spirit. Durych informed Dobrovský in a letter of 9 May 1792 about Herder's prophecy of the glorious future of the Slavs. In Jungmann's translation, that almost became the Gospel of the Czech patriots. Soon, Herder's verse was also noticed in the Bohemian Lands, particularly when it related to Czech history. In his inaugurallecture as Professor of Czech at Vienna, in 1801, Jan Nejedlý referred to Herder's 'Breife zur Beförderung der Humanität' (1793-97), and with Kollar's 'Slávy dcera' (1824) the popularization of Herder's ideas came to a peak in the Bohemian Lands. Though somewhat less clearly, Herder's legacy is also visible in the works of writers such as Mácha, Neruda and Vrchlický. Interest, however, was concentrated on three areas: (1) the nation as a community of a shared origin, reflected in a shared language; (2) language as an expression of the character and philosophy of life of the nation (its 'soul'); and (3) Humanity as the metaphysical-mystical unity of all humankind, as the case may be, the criterion of a moral approach of individual nations towards that ideal goal. All attempts at a revival of Herder's intellectual legacy or even its reinterpretation have always been linked with profound socio-political crises, such as World War I and World War II. The first modernization of Herderism is in the work of Tomás G. Masaryk; the second is connected with Jan Patocka, and between the two men is the work of Emanuel Rádl.
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Content available remote NATIONALISM AS METONYMICAL THINKING
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EN
The first part of the article concerns two well-known theories of nationalism, modernist theory and ethno-symbolic theory, connected with the names of Ernest Gellner and Anthony D. Smith. Discussing the specific features of the two approaches, the authors analyze the strong and weak points from the context of a third approach to nationalism, i.e. as a basic plane for the shaping of subjectivized human identity. A 'nationalist theory of nation' is a specific way of thinking about apparently natural ties linking social communities and their territory and state. The article shows how nationalist thinking uses metonyms and metaphors in order to create a mythical picture of a nation as a territorially-rooted community of values. Nationalism is attractive also because it allows a co-existence of metaphorical and metonymical figures which help intensify group identifications.
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