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One of the main changes in the Slovak society after the 'Velvet Revolution' in 1989 concerns the relationship of the state and the social security of its citizens. The consequences of these changes have been influenced by many factors. On the first place there is the preparedness or better to say non-preparedness of people to accept changes in thinking and life philosophy. People that used to live in socialist system with certain social benefits have been forced to cope with the new reality of fighting for their own existence. The situation have been becoming much worse after the year 1998 due to the present government establishing the notion of a state being not very much responsible for the social benefits of its own citizens. Compared to European Union the situation in Slovakia is much more problematical and serious because of the rapid social and economical changes a country in transition is not able to cope with. It is the problem of vertical and horizontal marginalisation of the society. European Union also considers the problem of poverty to be a serious one, so in the authoress opinion Slovak Republic should become a part of the struggle against it.
Sociológia (Sociology)
tom 46
nr 2
146 – 166
Starting point in this article is Max Weber´s distinction between class and status as related but different forms of social stratification. John H. Goldthorpe argued that this distinction is not only conceptually cogent, but empirically important as well: class and status do have distinct explanatory power when it comes to studying varying areas of social life − economic security and prospects are stratified more by class than by status, while the opposite is true for outcomes in the domains of cultural consumption and political attitudes. Our research ascertained that distinction between class and status is empirically important in Slovak stratification as well, but there is not empirical evidence for assertion that varying areas of social life are stratified more by class or by status.
After the year 1989, political break brought complex of the changes, which influenced the whole every-day life in Slovak society. The case study shows how the transformation process together with the processes of a globalization and localization determined the local identity and local policy in one town, and shows the importance of local history and cultural heritage in the nowadays local policy.
The struggle over political and historical memory is a serious and recurring issue that has important implications for the rise and spread of national politics in contemporary Europe and the durability of democratic traditions. This is particularly focused on the way in which new generations of youth are taught their history and the formation of collective memory. The sociological survey conducted in 2013 has shown that large segments of population, above young people, either don’t know or don’t care much about the history of the wartime Slovak state (1939 – 1945) and the holocaust. On the other hand the agreement with preserving memory is wide-spread, partially with the rationale to prevent recurrences of intolerance, extremism and xenophobia. The survey reveals also the most frequently used sources of knowledge about the past and based on empirical findings elaborates on how to approach youth when teaching history.
Jesensky‘s 'Democrats' is not a realistic work in the sense that it would provide an account of the outer phenomenal reality. Such a view of realism is generally accepted, though no doubt misleading. The novel 'The Democrats' depicts the Slovak society in the 1930s. Time and history are related to the thematic layer of the literary work - the 'real' thematic framework is usually considered the main indicator of the realistic character of artistic prose. The authoress of the study approaches the novel from the cognitive perspective. Her aim is to create a certain foundation from which it would be possible to start the research of the so-called realism in modernism. Therefore, one should take seriously the arguments of cognitive science that the objective theory of meaning based on probabilistic conditions failed; that most of the terms are not classical (completely definable) but on the contrary, most of the every-day language is metaphorical. A rhetorical question may be asked: Is not the classical literary theoretical distinction between semantics and pragmatics useless, if it is obvious that in the human, and thus, also in the literary language, it is not possible to ignore the width and the depth of human experience?
Within the period after 1989, we compare two societies with majority of the population residing in cities, which however applies more significantly to Czech Republic. Analyses of aggregated data from parliamentary elections confirm larger urban-rural cleavage than analyses based on survey research. Although both societies have a very similar profile of voter turnout regarding municipalities' population size, the difference in political preferences between countryside and cities is less prominent in Czech Republic than in Slovakia. Alternation of „urban“ and „rural“ coalition governments, which was occurring in Slovakia, was not observed in Czech Republic. Urban-rural political cleavage is significantly weaker in Czech Republic.
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